The chapter examines the application of intersectionality theory to feminist judgment writing at the International Criminal Court (ICC), questioning whose feminism is centered and which intersections matter. Drawing on Black feminist scholarship, Dawuni evaluates both the merits and limitations of intersectionality as a framework for judicial decision-making in international criminal law. The chapter argues that while intersectionality can illuminate how multiple identities shape experiences of victimisation and access to justice, careful attention must be paid to avoid reproducing marginalisation through oversimplified applications. It critiques the continued impact of coloniality on the ICC’s operations and questions the homogenisation of African experiences in international law. The analysis concludes with recommendations for judges, registry staff, and researchers, emphasising the need for continuous education on intersectionality, greater institutional diversity, and constant self-reflection about positionality and privilege. Dawuni argues that true intersectional justice requires transforming both the composition and operational culture of international criminal institutions.

The Introduction introduces the central research questions of the study and summarizes the main arguments. It also lays out the research design and discusses the key concepts and how it measures them. Finally, it provides summaries of all of the chapters in the book.

At the time of writing in 2023, it was four years since the Office of the Prosecutor commenced an investigation into the situation in Bangladesh/Myanmar in accordance with Article 15(4) of the Rome Statute. It was also six years since the mass displacement of Rohingyas from Rakhine state in Myanmar, which Pre-Trial Chamber III held may amount to the crimes against humanity of deportation and persecution on the ground of religion and/or ethnicity. According to the United Nations, around 10,000 people were killed in an alleged genocidal operation, and more than 700,000 people fled to Bangladesh. Most of these people have found themselves in the Kutupalong-Balukhali expansion site in Cox’s Bazar – the largest and most densely populated refugee camp in the world. Living conditions in the camp are challenging. Shelters are built from bamboo and tarpaulin and are closely packed together. Access to clean water, sanitation, healthcare, and education is limited. Residents must contend with overcrowding, outbreaks of disease, fires, monsoons, and cyclones. The COVID-19 pandemic added another layer of complexity to the crisis. The future for refugees in the camp remains uncertain, with limited prospects for safe and voluntary return to Myanmar, local integration in Bangladesh, or resettlement to a third country.

Chapter 2 uses an original database on historical elections in South America to explore when and where democracy first emerged in the region. Scholars traditionally portrayed nineteenth-century elections in Latin America as farces, but in recent years historians have challenged this view. This chapter shows that many South American elections in the nineteenth century involved significant participation and competition, and a few were even free and fair. Nevertheless, authoritarian rule predominated. Most elections were non-competitive, numerous restrictions on the franchise existed, and voter turnout tended to be low in comparison to Europe and the United States. Moreover, the few democratic episodes in the nineteenth century proved to be quite brief, as the freely elected presidents were either overthrown or subverted democracy to perpetuate themselves or their allies in power. However, in the first three decades of the twentieth century, a great divide occurred. A few South American countries, namely Argentina, Chile, Colombia, and Uruguay, established democratic regimes that lasted a dozen years or more. By contrast, authoritarian rule deepened in the other six countries of the region