In his latest book, the renowned political philosopher Michael Sandel asks what has become a pressing question for our age: Is there anything money can't buy? Sandel shows that there are certainly very few. If you've got the money, you can: hunt and kill endangered species like the black rhino; have 24/7 access to a doctor; give your child an elite education; gain a right to pollute the atmosphere; get people to stand in queues for you; place a bet that a particular celebrity will die next year; gain the life insurance policies of people who are seriously ill in the hope of cashing in when they die; and you can even get someone to make an apology on your behalf.

Based on an ethnographic study located in Botswana, I move beyond conceptions of the local as physically or territorially grounded to one that examines how it is constituted through links between persons and land derived from life histories extended over several generations. This not only takes account of a specific site in which social relations are bounded and locally constituted but also of how perceptions of locality are discursively and historically constructed. Viewing land as both a tangible and intangible universe constructed through social relationships, I highlight ways in which individuals, as part of a ‘local’ community, find their life courses shaped by wider transnational and global processes, including law, that have an impact on their everyday lives. For some, this provides opportunities for upward mobility and future gains, while others find scope for action severely curtailed. In documenting these uneven, diverse effects of globalisation, what emerges are processes of ‘internalisation’ and ‘relocalisation’ of global conditions, allowing for the emergence of new identities, alliances and struggles for space and power within specific populations. Thus what exists in the here and now as a form of temporality is constantly remade, drawing on the past while fashioning new prospects for the future.

The switch from intermittent to constant water supply in London in the late nineteenth century has attracted little attention. This article argues that this transition, the basis of the modern water system, was a considerable undertaking. System-builders (London's private water companies) faced a permissive regulatory environment and a population that could be ambivalent about constant water. While the water companies tried to encourage standardization through contract agreements and inspection, their lack of domestic access encouraged technical fragmentation. Local socio-political relations influenced the form of the constant water system, with consequences for future consumption practices.

This article examines some key issues relating to the emergence of political consciousness and political activity amongst the commons in the towns of Northern Atlantic Spain in the late medieval period. In the fifteenth century, a partnership between the urban business elite and the craft guilds successfully petitioned the monarchy on behalf of the commons, which resulted in municipal reforms. The resolution of issues achieved in the north was radically different from the situation in other cities in the kingdom of Castile, where the commons’ petitions and conflicts with urban oligarchies led to what became known as the ‘Revolt of the Comuneros’ in 1520, which marked the decline of the commons’ assemblies and the end of medieval urban rebellions in the interior of the kingdom.

Scholarship on provincial towns and cities has thus far overlooked their role as centres of painting in the early modern era, leaving the false impression that painting, and art itself, remained the preserve of London. Chester proves a vibrant centre for such activities in the era 1590–1640. This article shows how and why the distinctive characteristics of Chester and its wider hinterland encouraged and shaped its production of portraiture. It also places Chester in the wider context of painting activity in other such provincial centres.

In this article I assess the ability of motivational accounts of paternalism to respond to a particular challenge: can its proponents adequately explain the source of the distinctive form of disrespect that animates this view? In particular I examine the recent argument put forward by Jonathan Quong that we can explain the presumptive wrong of paternalism by relying on a Rawlsian account of moral status. I challenge the plausibility of Quong's argument, claiming that although this approach can provide a clear response to the explanatory challenge, it is only successful in doing so when it relies on the strength of its rival: the argument from personal autonomy. In doing so I illustrate that such responses are conceptually dependent on an account of respect for persons, and thus much of the relevant controversy is actually disagreement over how we respect other individuals.

Cairo has often been seen as a ‘dual city’ divided between a ‘modern’ European city and a historic ‘traditional’ core. This article challenges this view through a historical exploration of suburban Cairo, a subject neglected by mainstream urban historians. A comparative examination of Ismailiyah, Garden City, Zamalek, Maadi, Helwan and Heliopolis illustrates that these suburbs took very different forms and reflected a wide range of historical and contemporary architectural tastes and design perspectives. Not all suburban developments were products of modern technical innovations and by 1922 no suburb had a majority of European residents. The use of the term ‘modern’ to characterize Cairo's suburbs therefore has the tendency to privilege western concepts of the modern and obscure the complexities of suburban social and economic development.

This article examines the origins of a red-light district in a French provincial city before the implementation of official regulation. It aims at redefining the role of prostitutes, police and society in the development of ‘reserved districts’. Based on the study of judicial archives over a 60-year period, the mapping of the spatial distribution of prostitutes in Nantes reveals the spread of prostitution in most of the city's districts. However, the migrations and movement of prostitutes within the city show a gradual clustering over two districts: this was motivated by economic rationales and was initiated by the prostitutes and, only later in the century, encouraged by the police and community.

As part of the reconstruction of their built environments at the beginning of the twentieth century, London, Dublin, Toronto and Chicago confronted the question of whether to provide public toilets. In comparing the arguments and decisions over this question, this article demonstrates how the male leadership of each city sought to preserve the centuries-old patriarchal tradition of separate public and private spheres and limit women's access to public spaces. It also reveals the gendered dimension of ideas and experiences of the city that underlay the rhetoric surrounding this question.

The history of walking in the city has long been neglected, and the existing scholarship is largely concerned with rioting, flânerie or urban geography. This article aims to detect the behavioural patterns of pedestrian traffic in the late nineteenth century through a close study of the methods of pickpockets in London streets, with information gleaned from trial reports and writings on pickpockets. By analysing the most common ways in which pickpockets operated, as described in numerous accounts, we can see how they adapted to nineteenth-century pedestrian norms, and through this method acquire a rough outline of what pedestrian traffic looked like, and thus how urban dwellers living in a critical historical period adapted and reacted to urban conditions on an everyday level. The evidence shows that pedestrian traffic through the century remained highly interactive, and that the modern aspects of cities identified in theories of civilizing or impoverishment of the public realm had a very limited impact at this time.