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This study examined how immigrant status and socioeconomic status influence racial self-classification among U.S. Latinx adults aged eighteen and older across multiple nationalities. Using data from the 2010–2018 National Health Interview Survey, we analyzed a nationally representative sample of Mexican, Cuban, Puerto Rican, Dominican, and Central/South American adults (N = 41,133) who identified as White, Black, or Another race. Socioeconomic status was measured using a composite index of income-to-poverty ratio, education, employment status, and homeownership. Multinomial logistic regressions and average marginal effects revealed significant heterogeneity in examined predictors of racial identity. U.S.-born Latinx adults, particularly Puerto Ricans and Central/South Americans, had higher probability of identifying as Black compared to recent immigrants. Latinx adults with low and middle socioeconomic status backgrounds were more likely to identify as Black or Another race across most nationality groups. Findings highlight the complexity of Latinx racial identity, whereby Latinxs may experience racialization differently depending on indicators of acculturation and socioeconomic status. The inclusion of multidimensional measures of race, such as skin color and street race, in future research is needed to better understand Latinx racial identity formation. Findings inform interventions to address race-related stress and anti-Blackness, particularly among AfroLatinx populations, and provide considerations for improving race data collection practices, such as those impacted by recent federal policy changes to the U.S. Census.
The Introduction presents the central ideas of the book. The major theme is acculturation. Dominant forms of ethnohistory discuss Native peoples of the Americas and the ways they responded to Spanish political domination. This book reverses the approach by analyzing how non-Native women adapted to their predominantly Native Mesoamerican cultural environment. Witchcraft and sorcery and their suppression by inquisitions and ecclesiastical courts represent the particular entry point for understanding these processes of acculturation. Non-Native women in this book were Spanish, Canarian, North African, Basque, and Senegambian. They adopted Mesoamerican rituals, such as corn hurling (tlapohualiztli), Nahua healing and midwifery, and peyote consumption, and spoke Nahuatl in everyday lives. Nahuatl loanwords in Spanish, such as metate, tianguis, and patle, symbolize the processes of acculturation. This book studies the earliest forms of non-Native women adapting Mesoamerican sorcery, magic, and healing, limited to the period 1521–71.
This book tells the stories of women from Spain, North Africa, Senegambia, and Canaries accused of sorcery in sixteenth-century Mexico for adapting native magic and healing practices. These non-native women – the mulata of Seville who cured the evil eye; the Canarian daughter of a Count who ate peyote and mixed her bath water into a man's mustard supply; the wife of a Spanish conquistador who let her hair loose and chanted to a Mesoamerican god while sweeping at midnight; the wealthy Basque woman with a tattoo of a red devil; and many others – routinely adapted Native ritual into hybrid magic and cosmology. Through a radical rethinking of colonial knowledge, Martin Austin Nesvig uncovers a world previously left in the shadows of historical writing, revealing a fascinating and vibrant multi-ethnic community of witches, midwives, and healers.
This chapter studies the shaky effects of mobility and the resistance to it. The chapter looks at some cases in which Spanish officials and subjects moved way beyond the accepted boundaries and their mobility turned into trespassing, even going native. This radical movement, notably when physical mobility resulted in cultural mobility, generated many tensions and anxieties within each local society, and, in turn, prompted intense debate on the definition of the empire’s limits and nature. Many feared the excesses of mobility and argued for stringent policies and controls that would supposedly fixate Spanish identity and keep it pure.
We have met the Philistines in practically all previous chapters and noted their significant impact on the political and cultural landscape of the Iron Age I. In this chapter, we focus on their settlement in Philistia and analyze the drastic changes the region experienced during the Iron I–Iron II transition. While in the Iron I, this was the densest region in the country, boasting the largest settlements, in the Iron IIA, Philistia was transformed; most of the Philistine megacities shrank (Gath being an exception), whereas the mid-sized and small settlements were mostly abandoned. Even the material culture in the region was dramatically altered, as expressed, for example, by the complete cessation in the production of the so-called Philistine pottery (see Chapter 5). What happened to the Philistines in this transitional period? They lost the battle for hegemony and the power shifted to the new highland polity, leading to demographic changes. Subsequently, the Philistines became increasingly drawn into the Phoenician sphere and the Mediterranean trade, which had a major impact on their material culture and symbols. From the neighborhood bully, the Philistines became just one of the neighbors.
Increased globalisation and the resulting ever-increasing diversity in society and workplaces lead us to one of the most interesting and challenging topics in business: intercultural communication. More people than ever are moving around the world to access jobs, try new lifestyles and explore different life opportunities. The possibility of finding yourself in an unfamiliar cultural context is highly likely. You may have already had the opportunity to meet and work with people from other cultures. Skills in managing intercultural relationships and predicting and managing intercultural issues are indispensable for a business professional. Business trips abroad, the internationalisation of industries, and globalisation are integral to the operation of many organisations.
Chapter 2 uses one first-generation immigrant mother’s narrative as a basis to outline the language background of the family and to explore the construction and the characteristics of the bilingual space at home, as well as the history and the forces behind the shift of linguistic repertoire in the household during the early years of children who are speakers of Chinese as a heritage language.
To explore the meanings that newly arrived refugee adolescents residing in the Southeastern USA attribute to foods.
Design:
We used methods from cognitive anthropology to assess whether adolescents from different countries share a cultural model of eating behaviours.
Setting:
A school-based study in a community in the Southeastern USA.
Participants:
Adolescents (10–17 years) who arrived in the USA on a refugee visa in the previous year.
Results:
Adolescents showed consensus in grouping items and in identifying some foods as associated with adults and others with children. There was evidence of a shared model of eating practices across age, gender and number of siblings. Adolescents who had lived in a refugee camp were significantly different in how they grouped items.
Conclusions:
Adolescents from nine countries shared a model of eating behaviours; these patterns are consistent with rapid dietary acculturation within 1 year of arrival or with shared models held from pre-arrival. Our finding that adolescents who recently arrived in the USA generally agree about how foods relate to one another holds promise for generalised nutrition and dietary interventions across diverse adolescent groups.
To quantify and compare concurrent within-person trends in lifestyle risks, nutrition status and drivers of food choice among urban migrants in Central Asia.
Design:
We collected panel data on household structure, drivers of food choice, nutrition knowledge and diverse measures of nutrition status and lifestyle risk from urban migrants at 0, 3, 6 and 9 months using harmonised methodology in two cities. Trends were analysed using mixed-effects models and qualitatively compared within and between cities.
Setting:
Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, and Almaty, Kazakhstan.
Participants:
200 adults (22–55 years) who migrated to these cities within the past 2 years.
Results:
Adjusting for age and sex, each month since migration was positively associated with fasting TAG in Almaty (0·55 mg/dl; 95 % CI: 0·13, 0·94) and BMI (0·04 kg/m2; 95 % CI: 0·01, 0·07), body fat (0·14 %; 95 % CI: 0·01, 0·26) and fasting glucose (0·04 mmol/l; 95 % CI: 0·02, 0·05) and lipids in Ulaanbaatar (P < 0·05). In Almaty, nutrition knowledge (measured using an objective 20-point scale) declined despite improvements in diet quality (measured by Prime Diet Quality Score). The influence of food availability, price and taste on food choice increased in Almaty (P < 0·05). Upon multivariable adjustment, nutrition knowledge was positively associated with diet quality in Almaty and adherence to ‘acculturated’ diet patterns in both cities (P < 0·05). Different trends in smoking, sleep quality and generalised anxiety were observed between cities.
Conclusions:
Findings indicate heterogeneous shifts in nutrition, lifestyles and drivers of food choice among urban migrants in Central Asia and provide an evidence base for focused research and advocacy to promote healthy diets and enable nutrition-sensitive food environments.
This chapter gives an overview of the history of migration from South Asia to the UK, and develops ideas found in the interviews with the psychiatrists and subsequent analyses. It is not meant to be comprehensive but provides a contextual background from which to situate the experiences and life journeys of migrant South Asian doctors. The postwar migration of labour from commonwealth countries transformed UK’s cultural landscape. Migration is a complex, multifactorial process, that involved experiences of loss on different levels. Over the course of time stricter legislation has seen changes to patterns of migration on different bases. This needs to be viewed against globalisation which has a different bearing on migration. The growth of transnational, mobile identities means that migrants can interact in more networked worlds making travel and communication more accessible both for migrants and their extended family. It has made it possible to occupy different spaces and identities both locally and globally. South Asian doctors who come to the UK today have been impacted by a number of factors such as changes to immigration policies and the global effects of the Covid−19 pandemic. These factors have to be considered amongst others that influence choices about migration including economic opportunities, the provision of jobs, the growth of healthcare systems and development of infrastructure in their home countries.
This Element offers a new theoretical model of acculturation within the general framework of cultural psychology. It is divided into four sections. First, cross-cultural and cultural orientations are contrasted. The psychology of economic migration (EARN), separate from the psychology of acculturation (LEARN), is the theme of the next section. Berry's model of acculturation preferences is discussed in section three. It serves as a contrasting reference point for the tripartite model of bicultural competencies, developed in the final section. The three interconnected components are symbols, language, and values/practices characterize both enculturation and acculturation. As a second culture learning process, acculturation is not restricted to immigration. It may take a vicarious (remote) shape in the home country. Reaching bicultural competencies and identities, in the long run, is the proposed outcome of acculturation.
Stephenson (2000) suggested that acculturation is a phenomenon that immigrants and refugees ubiquitously experience. The level of acculturation is impacted by a person’s choice to allow how much of their cultural traits they decide to keep while adapting to the dominant society cultural traits. Depending on what immigrants find to be important or unimportant, it can influence future generations (i.e., their children) in how they will be developed and adapt into a dominant society. Hispanic-Americans are individuals that were born and reside in the United States and have a family background that extends to one of the Spanish speaking countries in Latin America or Spain. The typical language spoken by Hispanic families other than English is Spanish. It has been reported that Hispanics that are capable of speaking English may be afforded better and greater opportunities to resources. Research shows that a person level of acculturation can influence their cognition. In fact, in one study using a Mexican-American sample that was divided into two groups: high and low. Researchers found that highly acculturated Mexican-Americans outperformed lower acculturated Mexican-Americans on the Wisconsin Card Sorting Test. We evaluated the influence of acculturation in Hispanic-Americans neuropsychological test performance. It was predicted that highly acculturated Hispanic-Americans to American culture would demonstrate better cognitive abilities compared to lower acculturated Hispanic-Americans.
Participants and Methods:
The present study sample consisted of 75 neurologically and psychologically healthy Hispanic-American undergraduate students with a mean age of 19.44 (SD = 1.37). Participants were divided into two acculturation groups: high (n = 39) and low (n = 36). In addition, all the participants completed a comprehensive neuropsychological battery and background questionnaire in English. The Acculturation Rating Scale for Hispanic/Latino Americans is a 20-item scale that was utilized to create our acculturation groups. ANOVAs were used to evaluate cognitive differences between our acculturation groups.
Results:
Results revealed that the highly acculturated group outperformed the lower acculturated group on the Weschler Adult Intelligence Scale-Third Edition vocabulary task and the Boston Naming Test, p’s<.05, n.p’s2=.06. Furthermore, results revealed that the lower acculturated group outperformed the highly acculturated group on the Trail Making Test part A and B, and Comalli Stroop part A, p’s<.05, np’s2=.06-.07.
Conclusions:
As expected, the highly acculturated group demonstrated better language abilities compared to the lower acculturated group. However, in the opposite direction, the lower acculturated group outperformed the highly acculturated group on several speed attention tasks and one executive functioning task. A possible explanation why the highly acculturated participants demonstrated better language abilities may be attributed that their dominant language is English or they only spoke English. Meanwhile, the opposite could be said for lower acculturated participants that English was not their dominant language or they were bilingual speakers, for that reason they demonstrated better processing speed and executive functioning abilities. Research shows that monolinguals demonstrate better language abilities compared to bilinguals, but the opposite is found on processing speed and executive functioning tasks. Future research should investigate the relationship between bilingualism and acculturation in neuropsychological testing performance of Hispanic-Americans.
The Cordoba Naming Test (CNT) is a 30-item lexical retrieval task that was developed to be administered in multiple languages. Research shows that self-identifying Mexicans residing in Mexico outperform self-identifying Mexicans that reside in the United States on the CNT. Studies indicate that the process of acculturation can influence cognitive performance. Previous studies demonstrated that Generation Z individuals (i.e., people born between 1997 and 2012) have underperformed on the CNT compared to Generation Y individuals (i.e., people born between 1981 and 1996). To our knowledge, no study has examined the influence of acculturation on Generation Z Mexicans’ CNT performance. We expected Mexicans residing in Mexico (MRM) to outperform Mexicans residing in the United States on the CNT and to report higher acculturation traits. We also predicted that acculturation would correlate with CNT performance.
Participants and Methods:
The present study sample consisted of 285 Generation Z psychologically and neurologically healthy Mexicans with a mean age of 20.32 (SD = 1.60). Participants were divided into three groups: MRM, Mexicans residing in the United States, and Mexican-Americans residing in the United States (MARUS). All participants completed the CNT and acculturation measure in Spanish. Acculturation traits were measured by the Abbreviated Multidimensional Acculturation Scale (AMAS). ANCOVAs were used to evaluate differences in the CNT and AMAS (i.e., Spanish language, Latino competency, Latino identity). Pearson’s correlation coefficient was used to evaluate the relationship between acculturation on CNT performance.
Results:
MRM outperformed the Mexicans residing in the United States and MARUS on the CNT, p = .000, np2 = .49. The MRM group reported better Spanish language abilities compared to Mexicans residing in the United States and the MARUS groups, p = .000, np2 = .10. Additionally, MRM reported better Latino competency than the MARUS group, p = .000, np2 = .08. Pearson’s correlation coefficient revealed that the MARUS’s Spanish language abilities impacted CNT performance, p = .000, r = .48. In addition, we found that Latino competency correlated with CNT performance, p’s < .05, r’s = .20-.47, in both the MRM and Mexicans residing in the United States groups. Latino identity did not significantly correlate with CNT performance in any group.
Conclusions:
Results confirmed that MRM individuals perform better on the CNT than Mexicans residing in the United States and MARUS. Additionally, we found that several acculturation traits correlated with Mexican groups’ CNT performance. Our research indicates that while all Generation Z individuals of Mexican heritage feel strongly connected to their Latino identity regardless of where they live, MARUS feel less competent in Spanish and Latinx culture than MRM and Mexicans residing in the United States. Future work should further explore these differences for better insight into how acculturative factors influence lexical retrieval performance. Future work with bigger sample sizes can additionally examine CNT performance and acculturation in Generation Z first-generation and non-first-generation Mexicans (e.g., second-generation, third-generation) residing in the United States.
A commonly used confrontation naming task used in the United States is The Boston Naming Test (BNT). Performance differences has been found in Caucasian and ethnic minorities on the BNT. The Cordoba Naming Test (CNT) is a 30-item confrontation naming task developed in Argentina. Past research has shown acculturation levels can influence cognitive performance. Furthermore, one study evaluated geriatric gender differences on CNT performance in Spanish. Researchers reported that older male participants outperformed female participants on the CNT. To our knowledge, researchers have not evaluated ethnic differences on the CNT using a geriatric sample. The purpose of the present study was to examined CNT performance and acculturation in a Latinx and Caucasian geriatric sample. It was predicted the Caucasian group would outperform the Latinx group on the CNT. Moreover, the Caucasian group would report higher acculturation levels on the Abbreviated Multidimensional Acculturation Scale (AMAS) compared to the Latinx group.
Participants and Methods:
The sample consisted of 9 Latinx and 11 Caucasian participants with a mean age of 66.80 (SD =6.10), with an average of 14.30 (SD = 2.00) years of education. All participants were neurologically and psychologically healthy and completed the CNT and the AMAS in English. Acculturation was measured via the AMAS English subscales (i.e., English Language, United States. Identity, United States, Competency). A series of ANCOVAs, controlling for years of education completed and gender, was used to evaluate CNT performance and acculturation.
Results:
The ethnic groups were not well demographically matched (i.e., years of education and gender).We found that the Caucasian group outperformed the Latinx group on CNT performance p = .012, ηp 2 = .34. Furthermore, the Caucasian group reported higher acculturation levels (i.e., English Language, United States, Identity, United States, Competency) compared to the Latinx group p’s < .05, ηps2 = .42-.64.
Conclusions:
To our knowledge, this is the first study to evaluate CNT performance between ethnic groups with a geriatric sample. As expected the Caucasian group outperformed the Latinx group on the CNT. Also, as expected the Caucasian group reported higher English acculturation levels compared to the Latinx group. Our findings are consistent with past studies showing ethnic differences on confrontational naming performance (i.e., The Boston Naming Test), favoring Caucasians. A possible explanation for group differences could have been linguistic factors (e.g., speaking multiple languages) in our Latinx group. Therefore, since our Latinx group reported lower levels of English Language, United States identity, and United States competency the Latinx group assimilation towards United States culture might of influence their CNT performance. Future studies with different ethnic groups (e.g., African-Americans) and a larger sample size should examine if ethnic differences continue to cross-validate in a geriatric sample.
There is equivocal evidence that acculturation is associated with cognition. Various factors may contribute to ambiguous findings in the neuropsychology setting, including psychometric limitations of tools available for assessing acculturation as well as the frequent conflation of bilingualism with acculturation. Additionally, neuropsychological research on acculturation and cognition has largely failed to account for bidimensional models of acculturation, which have greater empirical support over unidimensional models. In response to these limitations and the theoretical literature on acculturation, we developed the Perceived Identity & Ethnicity Scales (PIES), a brief rating scale system to quickly (<2 minutes) capture an individual's perceived acculturative identity across several domains. In the current study, we sought to (1) provide initial psychometric support of the PIES and (2) examine how it relates to cognition in a culturally and linguistically diverse sample.
Participants and Methods:
We recruited 242 individuals from both university and community samples (age=23.7±7.6, range 18-72; <12 Years of Education=4%; 78% Female; 58% Hispanic/Latin American; 69% middle SES; 22% educated outside the USA). In addition to demographic questionnaires, participants completed the PIES; an established measure of acculturation (the Bicultural Involvement Questionnaire, BIQ) and bilingualism (Bilingual Language Profile, BLP); measures of mood (the Depression, Anxiety, Stress Scales, DASS; Apathy Evaluation Scale, AES); and of self-reported cognitive functioning (Everyday Cognition, ECog). A subsample of Spanish speakers (n=86) also completed a cognitive battery validated for use in this population (the Spanish English Neuropsychological Assessment Scales, SENAS). For the first aim, we examined the reliability, validity, and dimensionality of the PIES in the full sample. In the Spanish-speaking subsample, we examined the relationship between the tool and both subjective and objective cognition using linear regression controlling for age, education, sex/gender, and premorbid intellectual functioning.
Results:
Measures of internal consistency and dimensionality supported a bidimensional model of acculturation; identification with culture of family origin (PIES-O) was not related to identification with US American culture (PIES-U; r=0.036, p>0.05). Cultural preference scores from the BIQ were associated with PIES-O (r=-0.322) and PIES-U (r=0.277; both ps<0.001) in the expected directions. PIES-O (r=0.350) and PIES-U (r=-0.432) were associated with the ability to speak a language other than English on the BLP (both ps<0.001). PIES-U, but not PIES-O, was also strongly associated with other BIQ and BLP scores as well as with receiving education outside of the USA at medium to large effect sizes (rs=0.3 to 0.6; all ps<0.001). In the subsample, PIES-O and PIES-U were not associated with subjective cognition as measured by the ECog (AR2=0.016, p>0.05); global cognition as measured by the Montreal Cognitive Assessment (MoCA; AR2=0.046, p>0.05); or SENAS cognitive composite scores (AR2=0.016, p>0.05) after controlling for covariates.
Conclusions:
Findings provide strong initial psychometric support for the utility of the PIES in the assessment of acculturation. Moreover, these results further support the bidimensional model of acculturation. Acculturation as measured by the PIES was not associated with cognitive abilities in this highly educated and mainly female cross-sectional sample. Longitudinal research accounting for acculturation is needed to elucidate these relationships.
This chapter explores what is involved in global assignments, from moving abroad to returning home. Topics include: the purposes and types of global assignments; potential benefits and challenges of living and working globally; dealing with culture shock; choosing an acculturation strategy; and successful repatriation
The successful integration of immigrant-origin youth is a highly important issue for multiple stakeholders in many countries. It has important benefits both to countries of destination and countries of origin, as well as to immigrants and nonimmigrants. In this article, I examine immigrant-youth adaptation through the lens of a recently developed resilience model integrating acculturation and social psychological influences on adaptation. Who among immigrant-origin youth adapt well, academically, and socially, in the Greek school context? What is the role of acculturation in immigrant youth resilience? These questions are addressed using scientific evidence drawn from the Athena Studies of Resilient Adaptation (AStRA) project, a three-cohort, three-wave longitudinal project on immigrant-origin youth adaptation conducted in Greece, as well as from the international literature. Following an anti-racist research approach to understanding the AstRA findings, I will argue that the lived school experiences of immigrant-origin youth may be a reflection of societal-level xenophobic and anti-immigrant attitudes. Such systemic and structural racism is the key determinant of the difficulties they face in their adaptation. The findings presented reveal the need to promote an equitable and inclusive education that will be beneficial for all students promoting their well-being, and their sense of belonging to school and society.
Volume 2 of The Cambridge History of Global Migrations presents an authoritative overview of the various continuities and changes in migration and globalization from the 1800s to the present day. Despite revolutionary changes in communication technologies, the growing accessibility of long-distance travel, and globalization across major economies, the rise of nation-states empowered immigration regulation and bureaucratic capacities for enforcement that curtailed migration. One major theme worldwide across the post-1800 centuries was the differentiation between “skilled” and “unskilled” workers, often considered through a racialized lens; it emerged as the primary divide between greater rights of immigration and citizenship for the former, and confinement to temporary or unauthorized migrant status for the latter. Through thirty-one chapters, this volume further evaluates the long global history of migration; and it shows that despite the increased disciplinary systems, the primacy of migration remains and continues to shape political, economic, and social landscapes around the world.
Staff genuinely seeking to improve their cultural competency can make a lasting positive impact on intergenerational migrant and refugee families seeking or coming into contact with their services. Collectivism, intensified patriarchy, white privilege, and neoliberalism are all critical lenses for understanding how to work well with them as they parent in a new land. These issues are discussed by drawing on the authors’ lived experiences and recent research. Australia and New Zealand (Aotearoa) are multicultural societies. In Australia approximately 21% of people speak a non-English language at home and in New Zealand 25.9% have an ethnicity that is not European or Māori (Stats NZ, 2019). Naming this group is challenging. In Australia, for example, ‘culturally and linguistically diverse’ (CALD) superseded ‘non-English speaking background (NESB) as the official term used in social policy in 1996 because it was seen as better for drawing attention to culture and not just language, and for not homogenising the people and generations it intends to encompass.
Three North Carolina Medicaid surveys conducted from 2000 to 2012 reported increasing numbers of Hispanic children enrolled in Medicaid and much lower trust in providers expressed by their adult caregiver respondents compared with responses for non-Hispanic Black and White children. To verify and explain this apparent trust chasm, we used bivariate and regression analyses. The variables employed included trust (dependent variable); child’s race/ethnicity, age, and sex; satisfaction and health status scales; two utilization measures; respondent’s age, sex, and education; geographical region; and population density of county of residence. Race/ethnicity was strongly associated with trust (p < .001), controlling for other independent variables. Access, satisfaction, and respondent’s age and education were also significant. Our results fit the Behavioral Model for Vulnerable Populations, which maps the role of significant variables in health-seeking behavior. After analyzing the concept of trust, we argue that lower acculturation explains lower Hispanic trust compared with non-Hispanic Blacks. We suggest policies to improve acculturation.