The cultural discontinuities following the collapse of the Late Bronze Age Mycenaean kingdoms include the abandonment of major centers and smaller settlements accompanied by loss of social structures, literacy, quarried stone architecture, and figured representations. Archaeological evidence from four centuries later, in the eighth century BCE, shows that there were also important continuities, e.g., the Greek language, names of divinities, a warrior ethos, and communal feasting. Greek commerce both eastwards and westwards increased, and Greeks began to settle in the West Mediterranean and North Africa. This volume examines the Greek Iron Age, ca. 1200–700 BCE, between the Mycenaean collapse and the beginning of the Archaic period. The relative chronology of this period, based on carefully constructed sequences of pottery styles, provides a stable framework. However, recent radiocarbon dates have suggested that the absolute dating of the pottery styles should be revised upwards.

What marks out Athens in the Early Iron Age (EIA) is not only clear continuity from the Bronze Age but a steady rise of population through the EIA into the Archaic period. Following a brief topographical overview and a summary of Athens before 1200 BCE, this chapter focuses on the evidence of tombs, including an account of five and a half Athenians: a putative warrior aged 35–45 years at death, an old man aged 70, a young woman in her early 20s accompanied by terracotta model boots, a slightly older woman with her unborn child, and a social outcast. This is followed by what evidence there exists for the settlement of Athens. A major theme is the resilience of the population from the Bronze Age into the EIA and Archaic period. Whether it is cast as a village or town, the urban nucleus of the settlement was the Athenian Acropolis. What played out in the EIA in Athens was the formation of what was to become one of the largest and most successful city-states of the ancient Greek world.

Lane argues that Charles Peirce’s philosophy can contribute to contemporary debates about the metaphysical and moral status of prenatal humans. Some participants in those debates view an early embryo as numerically identical to, and as having the same moral status as, the adult to which it gives rise; bioethicists in this camp tend to maintain that our metaphysical and moral judgments about prenatal humans are capable of objective truth. Others argue from the continuity of prenatal development to the view that metaphysical judgments about when beings like us begin to exist and moral judgments about when beings like us attain moral status cannot be objective. Lane argues that Peirce provides the resources for developing alternative positions. Those resources are Peirce’s synechism, according to which continuity is of central importance in philosophy, his scholastic realism, according to which there are real kinds, his basic realism, according to which there is a world that is the way it is apart from how anyone represents it to be, and his pragmatic clarifications of the concepts of reality and truth.

This concluding chapter notes how changes in the strategic and intellectual environments have been reflected in the three editions of Understanding Modern Warfare. At the same time, it is noted that certain themes and principles have remained constant through all editions. This reflects warfare itself, which is characterised by continuity and change. To illustrate, the chapter identifies eleven constants and five areas of change. It is concluded that the art of war is, at least in part, concerned with finding an equilibrium between these two positions. The practitioner must adapt to change, while still respecting the enduring nature of war.

The arguments of the book are laid out, beginning with questions that probe the apparent obviousness of marriage as an institution. What does marriage do? How can we account for both its historical persistence and its cultural and historical variability as an institution? Rather than see it as an essentially conservative and normative institution, this book argues that marriage is, on the contrary, a crucible of transformation – of personal, familial and wider political relations. This is partly a result of the unique position it holds as an intimate relation but also a political, legal and religious one. The conventionality of marriage provides a deceptive cloak of conformity masking the elasticity of what may be acceptable to spouses, families and communities. The argument is grounded in an ethnography of marriage in contemporary Penang but draws on a range of comparative materials from anthropology, literature, films and other sources. The main themes of the book are introduced: marriage as continuity of patterns in earlier generations and, simultaneously, as divergence from these; an overview of the anthropology of marriage and its lacunae; marriage as ethical labour in and on time; and marriage as an everyday work of moral imagination. The chapters are outlined.

This study of theatre censorship has laid bare the boundaries of the permissible; the messages that people – from bureaucrats to artists, playwrights, and spectators – promoted to advance their view of the world; and the limits of these worldviews. Whilst wanting to recognize the continuities and ruptures across regimes, the book repeatedly shows how the bureaucratic and lateral censorship processes worked together as well as against each other during the period 1788–1818. Taken as a whole, this book rejects the argument advanced by many scholars that censorship was purely repressive and negative; the positive, even propagandistic potential of censorship for plays and their effects on the public sphere must also be taken into account. In doing so, this study also emphasizes the importance of the individual, and how archival material has helped bring these forgotten histories back to life.

In Chapter 6, I analyze a set of in-between and underground sites. I show that these places have worked in tandem with Imam-Hatips but also in competition with them. Like Imam-Hatips, these sites eschewed conventional politics, focused on early and prolonged habituation to alternative lifestyles, and advocated for a totalistic vision of Islam. But unlike Imam-Hatips, parallel education sites pursued dispositional training in its most rigorous form (mainly because they were unchecked by authorities) while also connecting individuals within them to a countercultural milieu so as to facilitate the prefiguring of an Islamic society. Specifically for this reason, I argue, underground sites constituted the main foundation of Islamist politics. The chapter draws from a series of vignettes to delineate the process of creating the pious subject through politicizing personal habits and convincing individuals that making their lives congruent with religion is an indispensable aspect of solving society’s problems.

The equations of fluid dynamics and energy balance are arrived at from the starting point of the powerful Reynolds transport theorem. After writing down the four conservation laws – mass, energy, linear and angular momentum – their consequences when inserted into the transport equation are revealed, in particular Cauchy’s equations of motion, Navier–Stokes equations and the equation of energy balance. A number of prevalent examples are given, including Stokes’s formulae and the Darcy law. The chapter concludes with the theory of the boundary layer.

This chapter puts together fluid mechanics and heat and mass flow to describe chemical and materials processing in which diffusion and convection are combined. After setting up the central equations, special cases are introduced which can be described by equations in closed form; solutions are given.

The conclusion summarises the main findings of the book and tentatively goes beyond them. When it comes to thought and practice of fin-de-siècle colonial war and violence, we should emphasise essential comparability and connectivity instead of national particularities among the British, German and Dutch empires. It is suggested this research finding might apply to other Western colonial empires as well. At the same time, a number of smaller aspects in which we might actually find national differences is noted. Taking up the transimperial mobility of ideas and experiences of colonial warfare noted throughout the book, the conclusion then asks what questions these findings raise for thinking about the temporality and spatiality of empires more generally. Finally, it touches on continuities in war and violence beyond 1914, both in later colonial wars as well as in the fighting of the First World War in Europe. It tentatively suggests that continuities were considerable in the first case and much lower in the second case.

This chapter provides a framework for the reader to describe abnormalities of the electrographic background and foreground. The electrographic background may be described based on symmetry, continuity, voltage, organization, reactivity, and sleep architecture. A waveform or potential abnormality may be described based on its location, occurrence (sporadic or repetitive – rhythmic or periodic), and morphology (slow or sharp wave). Further, this description can be qualified based on modifiers such as prevalence, frequency, duration, and amplitude. When reporting waveforms, the modifiers should precede the key features in your description. [88 words/557 characters]

The emerging awareness of self and other, especially with regard to compatible and conflicting aims, opens up dramatic new meanings for the toddler. Being able to be deliberately contrary gives the child experience with disruption and repair of the relationship and lets them explore the boundaries of appropriate behavior. The toddler also has a beginning capacity to control impulses and manage behavior, but doing this adequately requires continued scaffolding and guidance from parents. Meanings surrounding parental reliability brought forward from infancy impact how readily children now accept parental guidance. At the same time, clear, firm, and warm guidance can increase the child’s confidence regarding parents. This is how the transactional model works.

“Competence” is defined as “doing well,” and “resilience” is defined as “doing well in the face of adversity.” Without a developmental approach, based in meaning, these terms are merely labels for what is observed, and the definitions are circular. How do you know some children are resilient? They are doing well in adverse circumstances. Why are they doing well? Because they are resilient. Research shows that competence and resilience are in fact developmental constructions, built up age by age. Children who do well in high stress families, or who rebound from a period of difficulty, do so because they have a history of earlier positive support and/or changes in current circumstances. They maintain or reclaim positive expectations based on experience. This work paved the way for studies showing that early experience is not erased by developmental change and that adaptation is a product of the entire, cumulated history of experience, as well as current circumstances.

As researchers of family relationships have long suspected, it is now demonstrable that ways of parenting are carried across generations and that this cannot be reduced to genetics. A focus on meaning was the answer, because it is not specific parental practices that show continuity; rather, it is the distilled meaning of experiences. Warmth, hostility, or boundary violations can be shown in many ways. Your son may show warmth to his daughter in a very different way than you showed it to him. But the experience of warm care (or hostility) is carried forward. Research shows such continuity even from the first two years of life before the maturation of declarative memory. Similarly, the pattern of disorganized attachment shows continuity across generations, even though the signs of disorganization may vary. Studies show that this continuity is mediated by the tendency of those with disorganized attachment to dissociate and later behave in frightening ways toward their infants, which is then related to their disorganized attachment.

Development is complex. Individual meaning systems are dynamic, and change can happen at any age. But even change is lawful and is conditioned by one’s history of meaning making. Self-fulfilling processes are part of the nature of adaptation. Those that bring positive expectations to social encounters often have new positive social experiences. As argued in the beginning, meaning lies at the center of a rich life. Those who have a sense of belonging, a sense of purpose, and a coherent, integrated life story have what can be described as meaningful lives.

Age-by-age, it is the meaning of experience that is carried forward. Memory is “constructive.” Details of events are often left behind and different events are synthesized into “scripts” or generalizations about the self and the world. It is these abstracted meanings and scripts that guide behavior. The nature of individual adaptation is such that others will react to one’s way of seeing the world (and therefore behaving) such that pre-existing viewpoints are often confirmed.