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This chapter defines Black feminist poetics as being a "miracle" rather than a "luxury" in that poetic articulation becomes a way to confront how ideas of US citizenship and personhood are predicated on positing Black women as a necessary "rapeable other." It identifes key moments of collaboration and key poetic premises – non-hierarchy, survival, poetry as essential to self-concept and imagining alternative social relations – by which Black women poets have articulated critical alternatives to social norms in order to capture the beauty of their own being.
Women’s mental health has been shaped by patriarchal societal biases in science, medicine and society. Early medical texts attributed women’s distress to their reproductive system or sexual deprivation. In the Middle Ages, mental illness was often misinterpreted as witchcraft, reinforcing harmful beliefs about female autonomy, and in the nineteenth century, male-dominated medical science pathologised women’s independence with diagnoses such as ‘moral insanity’ to justify institutionalising women who defied social norms. Twentieth-century feminism underpinned advances in medicine and social reform, shaping health policy and psychiatric practice, although controversies around research into hormone replacement therapy (HRT) disrupted momentum. Despite progress, persistent gender bias in research and access to mental health care persists, particularly for marginalised groups, although initiatives like the Women’s Health Strategy offer hope for a more equitable future.
Marleen Gorris’s feminist classic A Question of Silence (1982) features what may be one of the most memorable court scenes ever filmed: an extended scene of wild laughter that grows and grows to eventually engulf all the women in the courtroom. The scene offers an occasion to think through modes and gestures of feminist refusal. There are other scenes: a fifteenth-century image depicting Calefurnia as it pops up in Julie Stone Peters’ Law as Performance; the bacchants in ecstasy tearing apart the son/king as figured in Bonnie Honig’s reading of Euripides’ play in A Feminist Theory of Refusal; Nancy Spero’s Sheela na gigs… Juxtaposing these and yet other scenes, this chapter returns to critical legal themes of rupture and minor jurisprudence in an attempt to further populate the feminist heterotopia that is the elsewhere of law’s mediation.
While Elizabeth Maconchy was not keen on the term ‘woman composer’ her career was nonetheless affected by the fact of her gender. Against a backdrop of long-standing, widespread and seemingly intractable sexism, Maconchy found support and validation from other women composers, notably Grace Williams. This chapter explores the phenomenon of such ‘Supportive Sisterhoods’ over generations and across many different milieus, both artistic and otherwise, from the Amazons to the wives and sisters of the Lake Poets, to the CIA, to the group of women who formed the Macnaghten–Lemare concert series in the 1930s. We find that women have consistently and instinctively banded together to not only form creative partnerships but to stand against the extraordinarily persistent, if ill-founded, view that creativity is something best left to men.
En América Latina, la libertad para decidir sobre el propio cuerpo a través de la anticoncepción y el aborto han estado en el centro de las disputas feministas por la autonomía y la equidad de género. Si bien este énfasis en el derecho a no tener hijos ha posibilitado importantes transformaciones sociales e institucionales, su foco en la elección individual y la limitación de la fecundidad no ha sido suficiente para comprender la complejidad de las opresiones y violencias que caracterizan las experiencias reproductivas en la región. Este artículo adopta el lente de la justicia reproductiva como herramienta epistémica para abordar la relación entre reproducción y justicia social en América Latina. A partir de investigaciones en Chile, Colombia y Perú, este artículo muestra cómo el derecho a tener y criar hijos en condiciones dignas, seguras y sostenibles es vulnerado por configuraciones estructurales asociadas a políticas eugenésicas de planificación familiar, la precarización neoliberal de la seguridad social y la degradación medioambiental. Resaltando las convergencias entre el marco de justicia reproductiva y el conocimiento construido por los feminismos latinoamericanos, este artículo contribuye a ampliar los marcos epistémicos y políticos para abordar los desafíos de la reproducción en América Latina.
Juana Manso (1819–1875) has been described as “the first woman to be appointed to an official government position and arguably the most radical feminist in nineteenth century Argentina.” Born in Argentina, she left the country with her family in 1840, after her father was exiled by the Rosas regime. When she returned to Buenos Aires in 1853, she was already an experienced educator, author, and editor. In 1859, Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, then head of the Elementary Schools Department, appointed her as director of the Escuela de Ambos Sexos, the first co-educational school in Buenos Aires, and editor of the educational journal Anales de la Educación Común. As Argentine president, Sarmiento appointed her to the Board of Public Instruction in 1871. Manso not only advocated for women’s education but also for popular education more widely – her selected passages in our volume, originally published in the Album de Señoritas, serve to illustrate her most passionate interests in these causes.
In the wake of the October 2023 escalation of the Israel–Palestine conflict, NYC-based graffiti bomber Miss17 visualized her solidarity with the Palestinian people by filling her tag name with the colors of the Palestinian flag. In 2024, the largest all-woman graffiti crew in the United States – Few & Far – completed a mural with a feminist take on the “Forbidden Fruit” idea, which gave the grrlz the space to publicly claim their opposition to the genocide of the Palestinian people by painting watermelons – a symbol of Palestinian resistance similar in effect and meaning to the flag. In this chapter, visual arts scholar Dr. Pabón-Colón examines these works, the sociopolitical context in which they were made, and their reception on social media to argue that by performing their feminism in their graffiti these grrlz rejected US imperialism in favor of modeling transnational feminist solidarity.
This chapter characterises the beginning of the 1810s as a transitional moment for both early feminist thought and cultural conceptions of intellectual disability. Through a sustained reading of Lucy Aikin’s critically underexamined Epistles on Women (1810), the chapter argues that the long, combative poem articulates an intersectional appeal to feminine-coded weakness, idiocy, and disability. The opening question of the poem, ‘when was ever weakness in the right?’, pits a utopian matriarchal future against the overwhelming misogyny and brutality of the masculinist past. Aikin’s revisionist history begins in Eden with Eve’s assiduous care for the ‘moping idiot’ Adam and ends in the modern era with the new ideal of feminine friendship supplanting compulsory ideologies of heteropatriarchal marriage. Throughout, Aikin creatively develops a compelling feminist aesthetics and ethics grounded in the complex trope of idiocy and neurodiversity.
At first glance, Thomism and feminism seem like unlikely bedfellows. In spite of the apparent incongruity, I argue that a fruitful dialogue can exist between Aquinas and feminism, particularly regarding the relationship between the body and reason. To this end, I make three points. First, I argue that Aquinas’s anthropology provides a fertile ground for a discussion of women’s nature and flourishing. Second, I argue that there is surprising degree of similarity between the attitude of Thomas toward the female body and the attitude of certain contemporary feminists, such as Simone de Beauvoir and Shulamith Firestone. All three of these authors recognized that women are more affected by their bodies than men are, and all three saw this as a source of inequality between men and women. Third, I argue that, while Aquinas is wrong to conclude that women are less rational than men, it may nonetheless be true that women experience more frequent interruptions to their ability to exercise fully their highest powers because they experience more pain and fatigue related to their biology. Finally, I consider how the nature of the female body may dispose women to exercising their reason slightly differently than men do.
Miras Boronat addresses the work of progressive-era feminists who have been incorporated into the history of pragmatism and are now regarded as feminist pragmatists. She argues that some of those figures already had the resources to deal in important ways with two issues still relevant today: the distinction between sex and gender, and intersectionality. Decades before de Beauvoir or Stoller addressed the sex/gender distinction, Charlotte Perkins Gilman and Jessie Taftwas were applying it to the so-called woman question. Gilman’s critique of androcentrism relied on a distinction between the biological and the cultural, while Taft approached the matter from the point of view of social behaviorism and understood gender in terms of social roles and expectations. On the subject of intersectionality, Miras Boronat describes the work of Anna Julia Cooper, who wrote about the “double invisibility” of Black women at the beginning of the progressive era, and she adresses recent work inspired by Cooper that is aimed at developing an analytical approach to intersectionality.
Florence Price’s music expands the conversation around what musical analysis means for composers on the canonical fringes who draw upon influences outside a Western art music framework. This chapter recognizes the limitations of conventional Western music analysis in studies of Price’s music and suggests other modes of analytic inquiry that actively engage with interdisciplinary and intersectional resources. This chapter asks: What would it mean to hear and analyze Florence Price’s music intersectionally? What follows are case studies around select art songs that exemplify modes of assessing her compositions with serious analytical nuance, as well as hearing music through and with the composer. In addition to exploring greater possibilities for the analysis of Price’s music, this chapter confronts the detrimental impact of the exceptionalist narrative in discussions of her compositional ideas, stylistic sources, and career trajectory.
Bowen was not a committed feminist, but she did have a proximity to feminist thinkers and a belief in women’s civic responsibility. She insists in her essay, ‘Woman’s Place in the Affairs of Man’, ‘I am not, and never shall be, a feminist.’ A less strident formulation in Bowen’s first novel seems to better capture the ambiguous but affectionate character of Bowen’s attitude towards women throughout her oeuvre: ‘I am not a Feminist’, says Mrs Kerr in The Hotel, ‘but I do like being a woman’. Bowen certainly liked being and being with women, both in her life and in her writing. She was an acute social, sometimes sociological, observer of women and of their relationships to one another, sometimes in ways that echo and anticipate the insights of feminist thinkers. This chapter focuses Bowen’s observations about women in her essays before moving on to her penultimate novel, The Little Girls.
This chapter unpacks the complex and changing relationship between gender and education. In order to accomplish this, it links each of the most common myths in the area with one of the three waves of feminism that characterised the twentieth century. As with the arguments surrounding social class, it will ultimately be suggested that explanations relying upon a master discourse – not ‘the economy’ again, but rather patriarchy, a unified system of male domination – are outdated. Similarly, it is argued that the view of gender as a binary of man/woman based on anatomy at birth has had its day.
This article, which relies on underutilized archival collections as well as oral histories, is one of the first comprehensive examinations of the feminist struggle to decriminalize abortion during Brazil’s transition to democracy during the 1980s. We discuss how the consolidation of the antiabortion Christian right and its proximity to several political parties, including ones on the left, coupled with the politically moderate tone of the transition from dictatorship to democracy, constrained the space in which Brazilian feminists could make radical demands of the state. Moreover, we contend that although the creation of the state-funded feminist organ Conselho Nacional dos Direitos da Mulher in 1985 brought important visibility to feminist issues and inserted the movement’s agenda squarely within the government apparatus, it also fragmented feminists, threatened co-optation by the state, and ultimately compelled abortion rights activists to prioritize the more palatable strategy of expanding access to therapeutic abortions, which were already permitted by law. In addition to divergences in political strategy, feminists struggled to create multiracial and multiclass coalitions during this period, when many Black feminists and working-class women were organizing around other concerns. As a result, feminists were not able to fundamentally alter public opinion about the political importance of abortion, and their efforts to enshrine the termination of pregnancy as a human right in the 1988 Constitution were unsuccessful.
Literary and archaeological evidence suggests that the Roman world was profoundly unequal. What did this mean in material terms for people at the bottom of the social hierarchy? Astrid Van Oyen here investigates the lived experiences of non-elite people in the Roman world through qualitative analysis of archaeological data. Supported by theoretical insights from the material turn, development economics, and feminist studies, her study of precarity cuts across the experiences of workers, the enslaved, women, and conquered populations. Van Oyen considers how precarity shaped these people's relation to production, consumption, time, place, and community. Drawing on empirically rich archaeological data from Roman Italy, Britain, Gaul, and the Iberian Peninsula, Van Oyen challenges long-held assumptions and generates new insights into the lives of the non-elite population. Her novel approaches will inspire future studies, enabling archaeologists, historians, and anthropologists to retrieve the unheard voices of the past.
Gender inequality carries high social costs, and understanding its causes and consequences remains a pressing concern. Numerous policymakers and academics have taken on this challenge, including anthropological archaeologists. Because archaeologists create narratives about the past that can justify or question current and future actions, contemporary archaeological practice impacts everyone. This themed issue builds on recent documentations of disparities and calls to address them. To do so, contributors use a mix of quantitative and qualitative analyses, as well as novel theoretical perspectives, to understand why intersectional gender-based inequalities continue and to propose interventions to rectify them. We begin by considering the history of feminist equity critiques. We then argue that scholars should build on existing research by reconceptualizing not only difference but also exclusion. Policymakers, academics, and others must move beyond the problematic yet ubiquitous metaphor of a leaky pipeline and instead consider the active—though often unconscious and unintentional—ways individuals and institutions exclude, including through notions of fit, prestige, and the hysteresis of habitus, also known as the Don Quixote effect. The overarching goal of the themed issue, and this article, is to advocate for interventions in contemporary archaeological practice and beyond.
This Element focuses on the villancicos (or choral poems) of the Novohispanic philosopher Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz. Though the villancicos have traditionally been considered minor works that Sor Juana wrote by commission for various religious feasts, this Element argues that Sor Juana's villancicos are in fact important philosophical writings. Specifically, this Element shows that through her villancicos Sor Juana presents a philosophical pedagogy, develops a form of virtue pluralism based on a series of moral paradigms, articulates a form of mannerist feminism, and provides a partial defense of Black and Indigenous people.
What relevance does Mary Wollstonecraft's thought have today? In this insightful book, Sandrine Bergès engages Wollstonecraft with contemporary social and political issues, demonstrating how this pioneering eighteenth-century feminist philosopher addressed concerns that resonate strongly with those faced by twenty-first-century feminists. Wollstonecraft's views on oppression, domination, gender, slavery, social equality, political economics, health, and education underscore her commitment to defending the rights of all who are oppressed. Her ideas shed light on challenges we face in social and political philosophy, including intersectionality, health inequalities, universal basic income, and masculinity. Clear and accessible, this book is an invaluable resource for students and anyone interested in discovering who Mary Wollstonecraft was and how her ideas can help us navigate the struggles of today's feminist movement.
This chapter introduces the breadth of Mary Wollstonecraft’s works, and explains why the book will focus on her feminist thought. It begins with a general introduction to her life and work, then explores the extent to which she is a philosopher of human rights, and how, in turns, it is correct to describe her as a feminist philosopher despite the anachronism involved. The chapter concludes with a short description of the chapters to follow.
Hegel famously argues that the patriarchal, bourgeois nuclear family is a rational institution worth defending. Scholars have asked what exactly to do with this seemingly outdated part of his social and political philosophy. In particular, they have wondered whether Hegel's concept of the family can accommodate changes to our understanding of what counts as a family and what constitutes family relations. In this Element, I ask whether Hegel's defense of the family can be reconciled with family abolition, the project not of reforming the family as an institution, but of radically transforming it beyond recognition. By examining the three relationships that Hegel associates with the family – brothers and sisters, husbands and wives, and parents and children – I argue that Hegel's concept of the family can be reconciled with family abolition so described. What Hegel provides is an account of the family as a site at which important goods have been discovered and eveloped, without claiming that the family as an institution is necessary for, or even ideally suited to, their continued realization. These goods are singular individuality, ethical love, and material resources.