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Professional military education was a critical part of the US Army and thus the Air Service and then Air Corps. Officers who aspired to higher rank were required to attend their branch school, the Command and General Staff School, and perhaps even the Army War College. This chapter examines these various schools, especially the Air Corps Tactical School, to show what was being taught. Significantly, air theory was separate and significantly different from the official employment doctrine taught by the Army as a whole. In addition, the Army and Air Corps doctrine was shaped by the isolationism prevalent during the 1920s and 30s, as well as the Great Depression.
This article explores the interplay between business elites and the Argentine state in shaping social policy from the late nineteenth century until 1943, focusing on the sugar industry in Jujuy. It asks why sugar industrialists introduced welfare measures in their mills during the 1930s and what social conditions shaped their choices. We argue that limited assistance initiatives, introduced following the Great Depression, allowed mill owners to justify tariff protection while reinforcing their dominance over workers and curbing union influence. These measures, rooted in the sugar elites’ control of provincial politics and sustained intervention in the state apparatus, exemplify early forms of private–public cooperation in welfare provision. By tracing the evolution of state–business interaction in social provision, the article demonstrates how local industries shaped welfare regimes before the rise of Peronism, offering new insights into the diversity of policy responses and social realities in Argentina and Latin America.
Este artículo examina una entidad financiera marginada completamente por la historiografía: el Banco Prendario Municipal de Bogotá (BP). Analizando su historia se aborda el crédito prendario o pignoraticio durante la Gran Depresión en perspectiva regional. Este tipo de organización financiera emergió en diferentes partes de América Latina hacia finales del S.XIX y comienzos del S.XX con el propósito de atender a los más necesitados. El argumento sostiene que el BP fue una entidad atípica, siendo diseñado con una estructura accionaria mixta (público-privada) del ámbito local. Además, el BP cobraba los intereses más altos de la región, generando controversias sobre su rol benéfico (o usurero) en la sociedad capitalina. El análisis de desempeño se hace desde una perspectiva regional que permite contextualizar e identificar su lugar en la historia. Los hallazgos señalan que el BP prosperó durante la crisis, expandiendo sus operaciones, reduciendo la cartera morosa y fortaleciendo el patrimonio.
Recent studies have shown that fertility was adversely impacted by the Great Recession of 2008 in both developed and developing nations. We look back further in time to explore how the Great Depression of the 1930s affected fertility rates across the United States. Our main results suggest that a one percent increase in state personal income per capita is associated with a 0.17 to 0.25 percent increase in fertility the next year, which is consistent with estimates found during the post-World War II economy in the United States. Thus, we conclude that fertility decisions were indeed pro-cyclical during the 1930s.
This article examines the repercussions of the European banking crises of 1931 on Argentina’s banking sector, emphasizing the role of European banks with branches in the country. While existing literature has focused on the spread of financial instability in Europe and the United States, little attention has been given to the effects on developing economies. Argentina, a key destination for European capital, provides a compelling case study. Using balance sheets, financial statements and archival evidence, this study explores how European banks acted as conduits for the transmission of the 1931 crisis. As parent banks in Europe faced strain, their Argentine affiliates experienced significant deposit withdrawals and were forced to revise their balance sheet strategies, heightening vulnerability within Argentina’s banking system. The findings highlight the broader consequences of global financial integration and suggest that the ripple effects of the European meltdown prolonged recessionary pressures in Argentina, altering lending practices long after the initial shock. This research contributes to the historiography of interwar banking, offering a deeper understanding of the dynamics between European and developing economies during the Great Depression, and underscores the need for further exploration of financial instability in peripheral regions.
The Great Depression in 1929 had a transformative impact on Turkey. The institutions established to minimize the effects of the crisis propagated a set of statist measures. The National Economy and Savings Association and Public Press Directorate utilized photography and painting in the beginning of the 1930s to propagate those measures. In their efforts, these institutions constructed a new conception of landscape with a moral agenda: citizens and artists should travel in Anatolia to learn about the country, love it, and create art accordingly. Key to this conception was the productivity of the land. The most comprehensive cultural program during World War II, Homeland Tours, mimicked this new conception of a landscape. This article analyzes the conception of productive landscapes up until the end of World War II by drawing attention to the overlooked photography collection in the State Archives, which comprises paintings made during the Homeland Tours. One of the many tools that the statist economic institutions devised was agricultural statistics. The comparison between the paintings and actual land use statistics demonstrates that the artists collectively followed the statist economic agenda.
The 1930s and 1940s witnessed a formative era in nation-building, through the conscious ‘making’ of New Zealand. At the same time, New Zealanders had to ‘make do’ through depression and another world war, and these global onslaughts only intensified the quest for security at home and abroad. Making do and creating a nation moved in symbiosis, because, as often happens with the evolution of a sense of national identity, panic, crisis, anxiety, or rupture produces stories and rituals to soothe and explain. This context saw the rise to power of the first Labour government, which resolved to pick up where the 1890s’ Liberal model of state development left off.
The book’s emphasis is on Americans who in private capacities went overseas between 1935 and 1941. The quandaries faced within the United States and around its geostrategic edges are here probed with less reference than is usual in World War II historiography to holders of high office, military authority, or diplomatic responsibility. This approach allows two related things. First, the reader and I can contend with the churning national identity as it had evolved when the United States skirted around but then plunged into the Second World War. Albeit a nebulous concept, tied to eternal scholarly wrangles on “imagined communities” or Abraham’s Lincoln’s “mystic chords of memory,” my use of national character/identity functions as shorthand for the contradictory US mood and attitudes of 1935-1941: earnest, avaricious, high-minded, sour, naive, shrewd, indecisive, provincial, universalistic. Second, this assemblage of expats is valuable in that it reflected, and lets us elucidate, the fault lines of political allegiance and personal preference that ran through the country before Pearl Harbor. In an important sense, this book destabilizes the notion of “American.”
Who benefits from deep economic crises: the left, the right or neither? On the basis of evidence from elections in 1929–1933 and 2008–2013 in all states that were democracies in both periods, it is argued in this article that the electoral consequences of the Great Depression and the Great Recession were surprisingly similar: in both periods, right‐wing parties were at first more successful than left‐wing parties, although this effect only lasted for a few years. The manner in which a crisis develops over time should be taken into account when examining the effects of deep economic downturns on the electoral fortunes of the left and the right.
Political science with its rich history, but varying national traditions and contexts, deals with a multi-dimensional and ever-changing subject matter of which we are, inevitably, a part. This poses specific epistemological problems, but also offers the opportunity to contribute to the shaping of political reality by insights and actions. This lecture gives a brief outline of this problematique and then presents, by way of illustration, the findings of a major international research project on the political effects of the Great Depression in Europe in the interwar period. Based on this experience, some (tentative and personal) lessons will be drawn for the state of political science and its potential contributions facing the present world economic crisis.
El comercio transpacífico entre América Latina y Asia Oriental durante el período previo a la Segunda Guerra Mundial ha sido escasamente estudiado. En este artículo, analizamos la construcción desde Argentina del vínculo mercantil con Japón entre 1934 y 1940. Al hacerlo, ponderamos las oportunidades y las limitaciones que surgieron en un contexto de des-globalización económica, y arrojamos luz sobre las posibilidades de diversificación geográfica del comercio exterior argentino. Abordando diversas fuentes de los sectores público y privado, el estudio revela que las iniciativas gubernamentales por profundizar los lazos con el socio oriental, apoyadas por los agroexportadores, enfrentó críticas de los empresarios textiles, quienes acusaron a Japón de ejercer dumping financiero y social.
This chapter examines the shift from almost total estrangement in the early 1920s to broad enmeshment in cultural, economic, and finally diplomatic exchanges in the early 1930s. While acknowledging the importance of converging economic and strategic interests, the chapter argues that images and ideas were also significant, particularly in defining the identities and trajectories of the two countries. It illuminates the divergence between American anticommunists who loathed the atheist Soviet dictatorship and the growing number of intellectuals, journalists, African Americans, and others who became fascinated by the Soviet experiment in social and economic transformation. It also analyzes the ambivalence of Soviet writers, cartoonists, and political leaders about the United States, which they harshly criticized for its imperialism, racism, and economic exploitation, but also admired for its energy, productivity, and advanced technology. The chapter closes with a discussion of how President Franklin Roosevelt disregarded a terrible famine in Ukraine and protests by Ukrainian Americans as he negotiated for the establishment of diplomatic relations.
The Great Depression era provides a natural experiment to study the effects of employee stock ownership on productivity due to the unexpected nature of the stock market crash in 1929 and the predetermined expiration of employee stock offerings staggered throughout the 1930s. I collect information on employee stock ownership from reports by the National Industrial Conference Board, annual company reports and other primary sources, and then merge them with the US Census of Manufactures to form the main establishment-level dataset. The results indicate that companies with active programs had significantly lower establishment-level output growth and fewer hours worked per employee than firms with inactive ESOPs post-crash. These negative effects, however, can be mitigated in smaller firms where employees feel their effort level has non-negligible effects. To my knowledge, this is the first study to empirically investigate these early ESOPs as well as address how continuing an employee stock ownership program during a financial crisis affects productivity.
Chapter 2 explores how American policymakers built a government-sponsored housing finance model during and after the Great Depression. While the country entered the depression without major national housing programs, it emerged with an expansive toolkit of demand-side housing policies. The FDR administration discovered that subsidizing home mortgages would produce economic cascade effects by stimulating bank lending, construction, employment, wages, and consumer spending, reinforcing the country's emerging demand-led growth regime. The core idea behind New Deal housing programs was to transform mortgage markets to lower the cost for borrowers and minimize risk for creditors. These initiatives included the Federal Housing Administration's mortgage insurance program, which offered affordable mortgages to millions of homeowners - although excluding racialized minorities. These housing initiatives helped overcome the depression and permanently made housing finance a "national champion," albeit one heavily dependent on state support. Reinforcing housing-based growth became a routine response to address economic challenges well into the post-WWII period.
For some sixty years, the dominant narrative of the financial crisis of 1931 and Great Depression has been one of failure of central banks to cooperate and act as lenders of last resort. This historical narrative has become dominant and led to a marginalization of understanding the Great Depression as a result of an inherent instability of capitalism. Rather than arguing that one or the other of these narratives is true, in this article I examine how contemporary actors made retrospective sense of the European financial crisis of 1931 and how they used that history to shape lessons for uncertain futures. My approach is based on the concepts of sensemaking and narrative emplotment under radical uncertainty. The article shows that most contemporaneous actors were positive in their assessment of central banks and that they focused mostly on short-term capital flows and the interconnectedness of the financial system as well as structural issues going back to the Versailles Treaty in making sense of the crisis.
The Great Depression is uniquely poised for literary-critical reevaluation, following the reorienting new lenses of Economic Criticism and the New History of Capitalism. Thinking (more) materially has permitted literary scholars in particular to better apprehend the textured record of modern lives: one where production and consumption infuse interior landscapes and unsettle divisive ontologies; where objects and goods occupy central space in the cultural imaginary and affective ecologies; where the human, natural, and built worlds overlay in unruly, disruptive ways; and where the tyranny of the human subject collapses into a broader network of interconnection that imperils the hoary axioms of civilization itself. This chapter offers a reading of Richard Wright’s posthumously published novel The Man Who Lived Underground (written just after the Depression) in the context of US Southern, African American, and Native American perspectives on the destabilizing and dehumanizing consequences of economic collapse. These contrapuntal readings unveil an American modernity marked by profound, multivalent loss: where money fails to orient, so too does race, and the uncanny (and always, finally, imaginary) freedom from both measures is by turns exhilarating and insupportable.
This chapter examines Henry Stimson’s career and his rise to the pinnacle of the US government until his resignation as secretary of state in March 1933. It analyzes his background, the formation of his political views, and the creation of his foreign policy ideas as a committed member of the Republican Party. Specifically, it explores his tortuous relationship with the American empire and how he became an unbridled internationalist.
This chapter examines the political culture of the fragile Weimar Republic, focusing in particular on its tumultuous beginning and its calamitous end. Rather than narrating a story of unavoidable doom or one that focuses exclusively on Weimar’s cultural achievements, it stresses the complexity and the multifaceted crises that marked this era of German history. This essay considers the particularly German elements of the Weimar period but also the ways in which Germany’s post-First World War experience can be situated within a broader regional context.
In the early twentieth century, changes in production targeted low-income family consumption with labour-saving domestic appliances and factory-produced clothing and shoes. Employment of maids declined. Women’s factory work increased. After the Great War, governments and housing producer groups tamed male-worker unrest with low-interest housing loans. Working-class families left shoddy inner-city tenement abodes for bright, practical homes in Midwest suburbs. White mothers returned to household production. Non-English-speaking families migrated into rural areas. Consequently, family economists like Hazel Kyrk, Elizabeth Hoyt, Margaret Reid, and others studied how to improve the consumption activities of low-income and farming families, a problem that intensified during the Great Depression. Methods included studies of family expenditure, calculations of the value of household production for family income, and the development of consumer price indices. Their pragmatism produced policies to secure adequate family budgets and consumer-friendly markets. However, they accepted gendered divisions of household–market labour, distancing themselves from the feminist organisations that had supported women through war with cooperative domestic labour. Differences in living standards between urban and rural families, and between white and non-white families, were mostly viewed as outcomes of family preference, and not as injustices. Methodologies did not reach the family consumption of Dustbowl evacuees.