Hypothesized mechanisms can be converted into hypothesized statistical models (probability distributions) by first translating the mechanism into a causal graph (a directed acyclic graph (DAG) in this chapter) and then translating the causal graph into the probability distribution that is generated from this graph. The operation of ‘d-separation’ in the causal graph is key. Given d-separation, we can use the same inferential logic as used in the controlled experiment to test hypothesized mechanisms using only observational data.

This chapter begins by introducing misconduct – as the enforcement of standards of conduct at international organizations – comprising a series of actions intended to dependably investigate, attribute responsibility and consequently sanction integrity breaches by international officials. Second, the legal principles of misconduct are identified, namely: (1) The facts of misconduct must be established; (2) The established facts must legally constitute misconduct; and (3) Disciplinary sanction must possess a legal basis. Third, three attendant legal duties of misconduct are considered, as follows: (1) Proof of misconduct must be compelling; (2) Alleged misconduct must afford an opportunity to respond; and (3) Misconduct may only be sanctioned proportionately. Fourth, the chapter considers obligations towards staff who allege that they have been subjected to interpersonal misconduct – notably sexual harassment and bullying – and their capability to challenge and obtain information concerning related administrative decisions. Fifth, and in conclusion, this employment law of misconduct at international organizations is restated. The standards of conduct implementing the treaty-attributed integrity and independence of the international civil service are the subject of Chapter 9, ‘Standards of Conduct’.

This chapter begins by introducing international organizations, historically constituted and governed in accordance with international law. Second, the conventional legal characteristics of international organizations are identified, namely: (1) Treaty-basis; (2) State membership; (3) Independence. Third, an examination is made of the way in which the powers of international organizations are sufficient to achieve – but not exceed – their purposes. Fourth, the privileges and immunities that states typically extend to international organizations within their jurisdictions are considered. Fifth, and in conclusion, this legal basis of international organizations is restated.

The conclusion to the book considers the significant contribution of Kenya’s worldmakers to the anti-colonial cause and the place Tom Mboya rightly holds within the pantheon of Kenya’s great nationalist leaders. He is held dearly in the memory of Kenyans as the personification of the potential for a successful Kenyan multi-ethnic, cosmopolitan democracy. His legacy has been invoked regularly at moments of political crisis in the decades following his death. But the conclusion argues Mboya’s legacy was more complicated and interesting than this posthumous memorialisation allows. He shows instead how the practices of worldmaking ran alongside those of gatekeeping. Mboya and others like him had little choice but to adopt this dual strategy of global engagement because of the context of the Cold War. Drawing on Mary Dudziak’s work on the civil rights movement in the United States, the conclusion considers in detail the influence of the Cold War on the politics of decolonising Kenya. Although the Cold War helped enable decolonisation, it also acted to limit the possible trajectories states such as Kenya could adopt once independent.

The story of Brexit in Scotland was about whether – and, if so, how – Scotland’s vote to Remain in the EU was to be acknowledged. In Albert Hirschman’s terminology, was it to be through the exercise of voice – a role for Scotland’s representatives in influencing the form of EU withdrawal and its domestic implications or through exit, by triggering a second independence referendum? In the end it was neither. The UK-wide majority to Leave the EU prevailed, with no concessions to the Scottish government’s preferred form of Brexit and no second independence referendum. This result exposed radically conflicting visions of the nature of the UK’s territorial constitution – a Union State based on Scottish popular sovereignty, or a Unitary State based on the sovereignty of the UK Parliament. A Brexit premised on the restoration of Parliamentary sovereignty and the desire to ‘take back control’ laid bare the subaltern nature of the Union-State account and the fragility of Scotland’s constitutional protections within the Union. Devolution in Scotland has been left diminished and the pathway towards independence mired in uncertainty.

Chapter 3 considers another prominent economic activity, the particular form of begging known as ‘doing documents’. Examining the performances and invocations of this practice, the chapter considers how the documents produced by these beggars attempted to legitimate the act of begging through formalisation and bureaucracy. This reflected an ideal of a valuable form of dependency, but conflicted with a moral logic of the dignity of independence and honest work. As such, the sentiment of conviviality and official regularity conveyed by the document was frequently at odds with the practice of exchange itself: donors frequently viewed disabled people as suspect and aggressive. This chapter examines the debates that ‘doing documents’ provokes on who is ‘deserving’, what kind of work is ‘honest’, and whether or not begging is truly work. Desiring shallow relationships with many donors, the beggars aimed to build ‘contractual dependencies’ with them, deploying the symbolism of the bureaucratic (social) contract both to enforce and limit the relationship.

This chapter deals with the subjects of international law. The meaning of international legal personality is noted. The primary subject of the international system is the state and the conditions for the creation of statehood are examined (permanent population, defined territory, government and capacity to enter into relations with other states). Each of these conditions is examined. The role of self-determination in the context of the criteria of statehood is discussed, as is the function of recognition. The fundamental rights of states, such as independence and equality are noted. There then follow sections on particular kinds of states, such as protectorates and federal states, and then sui generis territorial entities, for example, mandated and trust territories in the past, territories under international administration, and entities of disputed status such as Taiwan, the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic, Kosovo and Palestine. Special cases such as the Sovereign Order of Malta, the Holy See and the Vatican City, and international corporations are covered before the right of peoples to self-determination is examined.

Representation was believed to serve as a filter on the passions and excesses of direct democracy, but representatives could be influenced and even become the leaders of political factions. A central concern was to assure that representatives were insulated from such influence and focused on the public interest. As with the selection of executive and judicial officials, the questions that most occupied the Framers were the method of selection of representatives (appointment or popular election) and their term of service and eligibility for reelection.

Florentino González (1805–1875) was one of the “founders” of classical liberalism in nineteenth-century Colombia. His early life was marked by the experience of independence since his family was forced to move from their home by the loyalists when he was still a child. He completed his studies in jurisprudence in Bogota in 1825. As Gran Colombia tore apart, González participated in the plot to assassinate Bolívar in 1828, and subsequently suffered prison and exile. He was back in Bogota shortly after Bolívar’s death and became actively involved in politics and journalism for the next two decades, when he held a succession of important posts, including elected member of Congress and State Secretary of Finance. In 1840, he published Elementos de ciencia administrativa, a two-volume treatise about public administration, a subject he then taught at the university in Bogota. He authored a significant number of essays, some of them in the newspapers he edited. Appointed to a diplomatic mission that took him to Lima and Santiago de Chile, he resigned it in 1861 and remained in exile until the end of his life, first in Chile and later in Argentina.

Central banks around the world are increasingly shaping, as well as following, broader climate policies, a development we theorize as policy coordination. In this chapter, we study how and why the European Central Bank (ECB), previously narrowly focused on its primary objective of price stability, has moved towards more extensive coordination with the political institutions of the EU. Based on an analysis of actual policies and views held by ECB top officials, we trace the evolution of the practice and ideological backing of ECB coordination with fiscal and climate policies. Our findings document an interesting paradox: although the ECB has increasingly engaged in policy coordination, it has done so on a unilateral basis by choosing on its own whether, when, and with which economic policies it coordinates monetary policy. We refer to this practice as “independent policy coordination”. Analysed against recent case law by the Court of Justice of the European Union, the legal limits to independent policy coordination are only vaguely defined. As it is notoriously difficult to distinguish independent policy coordination from autonomous policymaking by the ECB, we conclude that multilateral coordination, to the extent it remains compatible with the primacy of price stability, would be the next logical step.

Chapter 2 examines changes in colonial mercy proceedings from the late 1940s to the 1960s, and the tensions that arose between decolonisation and British involvement in determining the fate of condemned prisoners. These tensions were apparent in cases from British Guiana, Malaya and Kenya, among others, but in the immediate aftermath of British abolition they were especially pronounced in the Bahamas, which had a constitutionally advanced system of internal self-government and where, in 1968, British ministers prevented the execution of two prisoners whom locally elected political leaders and the governor had decided should hang. Analysis of these cases reveals the dynamics of death penalty culture and political debates in the Bahamas and demonstrates that Britain could not divorce itself from the ramifications of colonial capital cases, even as successive British governments remained formally committed to the Creech Jones doctrine that they should not interfere in determining the fate of condemned prisoners.

This chapter focuses on the place of work in Wollstonecraft’s moral and political philosophy, and in particular her feminist thought, as she argues that one way in which women are held back is by not being allowed to investigate the world, and move freely in the public space. She sometimes blames early marriage, as it simply removes a young woman from her parent’s home to that of her husband, who will himself have left home as a child to go to school, later possibly to travel, and still leaves most days to go to work. Women, Wollstonecraft argues, both in Thoughts on the Education of Daughters and in A Vindication of the Rights of Woman should pursue their development outside the home, either by leading professional lives or pursuing intellectual or artistic interests once their children are old enough to go to school. There can be no independence for women, Wollstonecraft argues, without work that goes beyond unpaid domestic work.

This chapter discusses the contested place of the Declaration of Independence in black political thought. As a document that provided a rationale for American independence, the Declaration of Independence in its own way also provided one for black political equality in the United States. This tension between intention and interpretation has made the Declaration stubbornly immune from attack by black intellectuals, politicians, and movement leaders. With rare exception, the Declaration has been attacked mostly for its exclusivity, not its content or core ethos. Even Critical Race Theory’s (CRT) modest dissent from the Declaration has been limited in its ability to transform the persistence of black support for it, making arguments for CRT’s abandonment of America’s founding principles ring hollow. Instead, the history of black political thought from Frederick Douglass to W. E. B. Du Bois to Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw, stands squarely on the side of the Declaration’s essential truths, while admonishing America’s enduring failure to live up to them.