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The chapter delves into the iconic imagery and contested legacy of Moshe Dayan as the “minister of victory” during the Six-Day War. It examines the strategic decisions and military maneuvers orchestrated by Dayan, shedding light on his pivotal role in shaping the objective and management of the war. The emphasizing his focus on neutralizing the Egyptian military threat and avoiding unnecessary entanglements with other Arab armies. Dayan’s adaptability and opportunistic approach to seizing fleeting opportunities are highlighted, underscoring his influence on major decisions while attempting to minimize intervention in routine management. Furthermore, the chapter delves into Dayan’s considerations of international sensitivities, particularly regarding the Holy Basin and the potential involvement of the Soviet Union. The controversy surrounding the war’s objectives and priorities, as well as the tensions between the political and military echelons, is also examined. Additionally, the chapter delves into Dayan’s interactions with political figures and military leaders, revealing the complexities and challenges he faced in navigating the rapidly evolving dynamics of the war.
The chapter outlines Dayan’s transition from commanding the Southern Command to becoming the Chief of Staff, emphasizing his strategic vision and operational command. The document delves into Dayan’s approach to military training, his participation in advanced command courses, and the unique leadership style he exhibited during his command of the Northern Command. Additionally, it sheds light on Dayan’s role in shaping Israel’s security doctrine, particularly through the implementation of reprisal actions to address ongoing security threats. The content elucidates Dayan’s belief in the importance of readiness for both routine security challenges and high-intensity conflict, as well as his deep-seated conviction in the necessity of an reprisal operations for maintaining Israel’s deterrence posture that is necessary for Israel’s survival. Furthermore, it provides insights into Dayan’s perception of the conflict through his famous eulogy for a fallen officer, which underscores his complex sentiments towards peaceful coexistence and the harsh realities of conflicts in the region. Overall, the chapter highlights Dayan’s multifaceted leadership, military strategy, and the evolving nature of Israel’s security challenges during his tenure.
Known as a place, a people, and a kingdom at various points in the second and first millennia BCE, Moab has long sustained the attention of archaeologists, philologists, and historians, in part because of its adjacent location to ancient Israel. The past 150 years of research in what is today west-central Jordan has proffered a significant corpus of evidence from the region's archaeological sites. However, a critical analysis of this evidence reveals significant gaps in knowledge that challenge attempts to narrate Moab's political, economic, and social history. This Element examines the evidence as well as the debates surrounding Moab's development and decline. This title is also available as open access on Cambridge Core.
Language is central to issues of displacement and education. This paper examines how English language teachers in refugee settings negotiated and exercised autonomy in teaching and learning in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. It draws on the notion of autonomy and its dynamics in language classrooms in refugee settings. The paper focuses on one displacement context – Jordan’s refugee settings – to offer a fine-grained analysis of teachers’ accounts to synthesise how teachers negotiated the transition to online teaching and developed practices and relations across different sites. The study recognises teachers’ rights in contributing their own experience and expertise and draws on the Participatory Ethnographic Evaluation Research (PEER) methodology, which involved working closely with a group of six language teachers as peer researchers, who conducted in-depth interviews with two of their peers. The analysis examines the ways in which autonomy was exercised, mobilised, resourced, constrained and shaped by contextual factors during the pandemic and thus provides a nuanced understanding of teachers’ experiences. The study points to the importance of understanding teacher autonomy in the context of language teaching in technology-poor environments. By providing critical insights into the dynamics of teacher autonomy in unique professional settings, it contributes to the broader discourse on digital language learning and agency, roles and skills needed by teachers to support crisis preparedness for the future.
Chapter 7 concludes the Jordanian case study by analyzing the theory’s expectations for how strategic interactions around delegation and blame influence repression, protest, and accountability in authoritarian political systems. Original protest data indicates that the monarchy permits hundreds of protests each year and that security forces repress only a tiny fraction of these events. Instead, repression is highly targeted at those individuals who cross the regime’s redlines by publicly blaming and criticizing the king. The chapter explains how this approach to repression complicates anti-royal coordination, even among those opposition figures who personally blame the monarchy for Jordan’s ills. The chapter also illustrates how the monarchy provides limited accountability by removing prime ministers and cabinet ministers when the public becomes visibly dissatisfied with the government’s performance.
Chapter 5 provides evidence that power sharing in Jordan is effective at shifting the public’s attributions and protecting the monarchy’s popular support. First, the chapter draws on interviews with opposition activists to show that even these sophisticated political elites frequently do not perceive the king to be most at fault for their grievances. Second, it utilizes survey data to demonstrate that Jordanians perceive institutions like the cabinet and parliament to be important contributors to policy decisions in Jordan and that such attitudes are correlated with higher support for the monarchy. Third, the chapter reports results from a novel Facebook advertising experiment that is used to estimate public approval of the Jordanian monarchy relative to the prime minister and parliament. The experiment indicates that the king is more popular than these other institutions, and it suggests that the king’s popularity is less likely to be affected by unpopular policy decisions like substantial tax increases.
Chapter 6 continues the Jordan case study by providing an important assessment of the theory’s expectations over time. Drawing on archival documents, internet search data, elite interviews, and secondary sources, the chapter shows that Jordan’s kings have shared power more credibly when they have more reasons to be concerned about popular discontent. Furthermore, it also demonstrates that Jordanians have responded to these changes as the theory expects, becoming more likely to blame the king for their grievances when the monarchy controls the decision-making process more directly, and less likely to blame the king when he delegates more credibly to other political elites. Not only do these findings demonstrate the theory’s utility for explaining changes in authoritarian decision-making over time, but they also help to account for alternative explanations to the argument, such as the possibility that the Jordanian monarchy benefits from traditional legitimacy that protects its reputation from popular anger.
Chapter 4 begins the detailed case study of Jordan. It first provides important background information on the country and reviews academic literature explaining the monarchy’s durability over the past century. It then draws on my elite interviews and other country-specific sources to explain how Jordan’s policymaking process functions. The chapter shows that the Jordanian king does grant meaningful decision-making influence to political elites in the cabinet and parliament, even though this delegation can result in policies that do not reflect the monarch’s preferences and can increase potential elite threats against the monarchy. The chapter also provides evidence that this delegation is intentionally used by the monarchs as a blame avoidance strategy. Interviews with senior decision-makers, including former chiefs of the royal court and prime ministers, reveal that the monarchy is aware that its reputation is likely to suffer if the king governs more directly and attracts more blame for the public’s grievances. This awareness is also reflected in how the Jordanian educational system teaches students about the decision-making process, and in the monarch’s willingness to share power more credibly for economic and social issues rather than foreign policy and security issues.
Why are some autocrats more effective than others at retaining popular support even when their governments perform poorly? To develop insights into popular politics and governance across authoritarian regimes, this book stresses the importance of understanding autocratic blame games. Scott Williamson argues that how autocrats share power affects their ability to shift blame, so that they are less vulnerable to the public's grievances when they delegate decision-making powers to other political elites. He shows that this benefit of power-sharing influences when autocrats limit their control over decision-making, how much they repress, and whether their regimes provide accountability. He also argues that ruling monarchs are particularly well positioned among autocrats to protect their reputations by sharing power, which contributes to their surprising durability in the modern world. Drawing on extensive fieldwork in Jordan and cross-national analysis of autocracies, the book illustrates the important role of blame in the politics of authoritarian regimes.
What are the origins and effects of legal ambiguity in authoritarian regimes? Using a detailed case study of nationality rights in Jordan – which draws from interviews with 210 Jordanian political officials, judges, lawyers, activists, and citizens/residents – we develop a framework for understanding how legal ambiguity emerges, and how it matters, under authoritarianism. We first conceptualize four discrete forms in which legal ambiguity manifests: lexical ambiguity (in legal texts); substantive ambiguity (in status as law); conflictual ambiguity (between contradictory legal rules); and operational ambiguity (in enforcement processes). We then scrutinize the emergence and effects of legal ambiguity in Jordanian nationality policy by integrating historical process tracing, detailed interview evidence, and a content analysis of archival documents, laws, and court verdicts pertaining to nationality rights. Our findings contribute to scholarship on legal ambiguity, authoritarian legality, and discretionary state authority by showing that (1) crisis junctures make the emergence of legal ambiguity more likely; (2) legal ambiguity takes a variety of different forms that warrant conceptual disaggregation; and (3) different forms of legal ambiguity often have disparate effects on how authoritarian state power is organized and experienced in public life.
Ferrodimolybdenite with ideal formula FeMo3+2S4 (C2/c, a = 11.8249(8) Å, b = 6.5534(3) Å, c = 13.0052(10) Å, β = 114.474(9)°, V = 917.27(12) Å3 and Z = 8) was discovered in a differentiated sulfide nodule composed of troilite and pentlandite parts. The nodule was detected in the central zone of a diopside–anorthite–tridymite oval paralava body, ∼30 metres in diameter, within the pyrometamorphic Hatrurim Complex in Daba-Siwaqa, Jordan. Ferrodimolybdenite is the first trivalent molybdenum compound discovered in Nature. Its synthetic analogue crystallises in the C1c1 space group. Ferrodimolybdenite with the empirical formula (Fe2+0.99Cu2+0.07Ni2+0.04)Σ1.10Mo3+1.94(S2–3.98P3–0.02)Σ4.00 was identified in the troilite part of the differentiated sulfide nodule. The nodule contains inclusions of tetrataenite, nickelphosphide, molybdenite, galena and rudashevskyite. Ferrodimolybdenite forms platy crystals with dimensions ranging from 3×100 μm to 20×40 μm. The mineral exhibits a grey colour and a dark grey streak. It is opaque with a metallic lustre, and its Mohs hardness is ∼3. The cleavage observed in the mineral is perfect on {001}, good on {100} and poor on {010}. Its tenacity is sectile, and its fracture is smooth. The calculated density of 5.445 g·cm–3 was derived from the empirical formula and unit cell volume refined from single-crystal X-ray diffraction data. In reflected light, ferrodimolybdenite appears grey to light grey with a blueish tinge. It is anisotropic, with a reflectance in the range of 34–40%. The crystallisation of ferrodimolybdenite occurred in reduced conditions in monosulfide Fe(+Ni) melt at a temperature of 1000–1100°C and at low pressure.
This research validated an Arabic version of the Psychological General Well-being Index-Short version (PGWB-S) and examined the relationship between perceived psychological well-being, and food insecurity, academic achievement, and other risk factors in a sample of university students in Amman, Jordan, during COVID-19. A cross-sectional study was conducted in two phases. Phase 1 translated and validated the Arabic copy of the PGWB-S in 122 students from the University of Jordan. In Phase 2, 414 students completed the demographic questionnaire, Arabic versions of the PGWB-S, the Ryff Psychological Well-being Scale, and the Individual Food Insecurity Experience Scale. The participants had a mean PGWB-S score of 15.82 ± 0.34, and 41.3% had a mean score below 15. Psychological well-being was better in students younger than 21 and/or who had a GPA ≥3.0, were of normal weight or overweight, physically inactive, and food secure, did not drink coffee or smoke, as well as in those whose neighbourhood contained grocery stores and/or public transportation (P < 0.05). In conclusion, during the pandemic, perceived mental well-being was moderate in a Jordanian sample of university students. Perceived psychological well-being was also positively associated with food security and academic performance. These findings suggest that improving food security and academic achievement may contribute to enhanced psychological well-being among university students. Therefore, higher education institutions with the help of the government are encouraged to facilitate the provision of mental health care services to students, mainly post the coronavirus, which according to our knowledge is limited.
This article reports on the archaeological survey of a (military) fort and (trade) caravanserai at Khirbet al-Khalde in southern Jordan, along the eastern Roman frontier. The results reveal the site's resilience and destruction up until the present day and the need for monitoring of threats to its preservation.
This study aims to identify the Jordanian nurses’ perception of their disaster preparedness and core competencies.
Methods:
A descriptive, cross-sectional research design was used. The data was collected via an online self-reported questionnaire using the disaster preparedness evaluation tool and the core disaster competencies tool.
Results:
A total of 126 nurses participated in the study. Jordanian nurses had moderate to high levels of core disaster competencies and moderate levels of disaster preparedness. Core disaster competencies and disaster preparedness levels differed based on previous training on disaster preparedness, and the availability of an established emergency plan in their hospitals. Lastly, a previous training on disaster preparedness and core disaster competencies were statistically significant predictors of disaster preparedness among Jordanian nurses.
Conclusions:
Organizational factors and environmental contexts play a role in the development of such capabilities. Future research should focus on understanding the barriers and facilitators of developing core disaster competencies and disaster preparedness among nurses.
Armed conflict and forced displacement can significantly strain nurturing family environments, which are essential for child well-being. Yet, limited evidence exists on the effectiveness of family-systemic interventions in these contexts. We conducted a two-arm, single-masked, feasibility Randomised Controlled Trial (fRCT) of a whole-family intervention with Syrian, Iraqi and Jordanian families in Jordan. We aimed to determine the feasibility of intervention and study procedures to inform a fully-powered RCT. Eligible families were randomised to receive the Nurturing Families intervention or enhanced usual care (1:1). Masked assessors measured outcomes at baseline and endline; primary outcome measures were caregiver psychological distress, family functioning, and parenting practices. Families and implementing staff participated in qualitative interviews at endline. Of the 62 families screened, 60 (98%) were eligible, 97% completed the baseline and 90% completed the endline. Qualitative feedback indicated specific improvements in adolescent well-being, caregiver distress and parenting, and family relationships. Data highlighted high participant engagement and adequate facilitator fidelity and competence. Outcome measures had good psychometric properties (most α > 0.80) and sensitivity to change, with significant changes seen on most measures in the intervention but not control group. Findings indicate the acceptability and feasibility of intervention and study procedures. Subsequent full-scale evaluation is needed to determine effectiveness.
This article explores structural entanglements between the rule-of-law, as a globalized aspirational horizon in post-Cold War politics, and corruption, as a highly salient malaise, by way of an ethnography of wāsṭa, an institutionalized practice of patronage in Jordan, and a salient object of corruption discourse in recent years. The article follows wāsṭa and anti-corruption practices in various sites where wāsṭa is most salient and most problematized and situates the contemporary practice in relation to historical transformations in Jordan’s political economy and global discourses on justice and development. While globalized anti-corruption discourses pit practices of patronage and brokerage like wāsṭa against the rule-of-law, an ethnographic and historical view illustrates how the latter is the condition of possibility of the former, the framework by which it is diagnosed, and its presumed cure. Thus, I argue that the rule-of-law should be understood as a historically specific “problem space” that posits corruption as a prime diagnostic of the ills of state and society while generating practical paradoxes and a perpetual sense of temporal out-of-jointedness for “developing” countries.
Deynekoite, Ca9□Fe3+(PO4)7 (R3c, a = 10.3516(3)Å, c = 37.1599(17)Å, V = 3448.4(3)Å3 and Z = 6), a new mineral of the merrillite group was found in the contact facies of paralava of the Hatrurim Complex in the Daba-Siwaqa pyrometamorphic rock field, Jordan. The paralava, consisting of diopside, tridymite, anorthite, wollastonite and fluorapatite, is enriched in Fe-bearing phosphides and phosphates at the contact with the altered country rock. Cristobalite overgrowing tridymite has a fish-scales texture indicating that temperature of paralava could have reached 1500°C. Deynekoite with empirical formula (Ca8.90Na0.11K0.02)Σ9.03(Fe3+0.62Mg0.30Al0.05)Σ0.97P6.98V5+0.05O27.70(OH)0.30 forms transparent, light-yellow or light-brown grains up to 30–40 μm in size. Microhardness of deynekoite, VHN25 = 319(29) kg/mm2, corresponds to Mohs hardness = 4.5. Its density was calculated as 3.09 g⋅cm–3 on the basis of its empirical composition and structural data. Deynekoite is uniaxial (−), its refractive indices are ω = 1.658(3), ɛ = 1.652(3) (λ = 589 nm), and pleochroism is not observed. The formation of phosphides on the boundary of the paralava and country rock is connected with carbothermal reductive reactions and realised at temperatures above 1300°С. With decreasing temperature and increasing oxygen activity, phosphides are replaced by Fe2+-bearing phosphates. Deynekoite, which contains Fe3+ (substituting for Fe2+-phosphates) and a small amount of water, formed at temperatures of 600–800°C.
This chapter expands on the previous chapter by presenting survey evidence from Morocco, Jordan, Venezuela, and the Ukraine using the same conjoint experiment of business political engagement. The chapter documents that Egypt's military has a higher level of penetration than even other Arab countries. In general, Arab countries seem to have more economically involved militaries than non-Arab countries. An additional pattern is that companies that have had to pay higher bribe costs in the past five years are more likely to engage in political action, suggesting that they are trying to protect their companies and their relationships with the government.
Studies of the rural landscapes around the Nabataean/Roman city of Petra in Jordan have tended to assume a developmental trajectory based on that of the urban centre. Recent archaeological investigations at the site of Umm Huwaiwitat, however, shed light on the longer-term histories of human occupation and land use in the region north of Petra. Excavation has revealed Late Neolithic deposits formed by the burning of animal dung and the disposal of ash. These deposits underlie walls, today serving as agricultural terraces, which date to at least the Early Bronze Age. Umm Huwaiwitat therefore provides a microcosm of the long-lived and constantly reworked agricultural landscapes of the Middle East.