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This chapter reviews the history and development of Māori and Pasifika Englishes in New Zealand, focusing on both segmental and suprasegmental aspects of their phonetics/phonology. We review evidence that Māori English has higher pitch and more syllable-timed rhythm than Pākehā English, and suggest that a distinctive Māori English voice quality is not yet well understood. L1-type and L2-type varieties of Pasifika English are distinguished, highlighting the role of transfer in the formation of these varieties. The differences between Pākehā, Māori and Pasifika Englishes in New Zealand are a matter of frequency of use, rather than of absolutes, both in terms of the linguistic features and the social variables with which they co-occur. We problematise any straight-forward description of these varieties as revolving solely around ethnicity, given the interconnectedness of ethnic identities in New Zealand.
This chapter examines Canadian English from a nationwide point of view, complementing the regional views of the following chapters in this part. It begins with a brief statement of the current demolinguistic status of Canadian English, then reviews the history of English-speaking settlement that led to its establishment, growth and geographic diffusion. This review supports a discussion of the relation between settlement history and the most important linguistic features of modern Canadian English, especially its phonetic and phonological characteristics. A particular focus is on the relative contributions of eighteenth-century American Loyalist settlement and early nineteenth-century British immigration, as well as the later diffusion of those features to Western Canada. Examples of regional variation in vocabulary and pronunciation are then briefly presented, before the chapter concludes with a selective review of previous research on Canadian English.
With legendary regionalisms like ‘r-dropping’, fronted palm vowels, ‘broad-a BATH vowels, and other features, New England has played a key role in the historical development of English in North America. Historically, the six small states of New England (Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont) have had an outsized influence on American English. Their modern sociolinguistic and geographic boundaries still reflect colonial-era settlement patterns from centuries past. Many prior studies on New England English have focused on phonological patterns and changes, but scholars have also examined regional grammatical patterns, lexical variation and change, and also the continuing influence of local Native American words on English. In fact, modern linguists have access to ninety years of detailed fieldwork reports on regional New England dialect features, dating as far back as the 1930s and continuing to the present era. Using this wealth of intergenerational data, the present chapter takes a historical perspective that traces the roots and development of New England English into the present time.
This study is concerned with Albanian children speaking a nonstandard dialect who learn Standard Albanian (SA) in primary school. Our main research question is whether the phonetic characteristics of these children’s first dialect are influenced by their learning of SA. We followed longitudinally 48 children in 1st, 2nd, and 5th grades (24 girls, 24 boys, 6–11 years old), some of whom grew up in a village, the others in a city. A picture-naming task was used to record four vowel features of interest, which were analyzed acoustically, then statistically with distributional regression models and generalized additive models. We found evidence that the children’s first dialect was affected by SA, suggesting that by 5th grade, they were not fully proficient at distinguishing between the two systems. The four analyzed features followed different developmental trajectories, similar to adults acquiring a second dialect, and similar to feature selectivity observed in language change.
The Mycenaean Greeks borrowed the Linear A script and used it to write in Greek; their customized version of the script is called Linear B. Linear B was brilliantly deciphered in the 1950s by a British architect named Michael Ventris. We therefore know how to pronounce its signs, and by extension how to pronounce the corresponding signs in Linear A, making it possible to investigate the phonology (spoken sounds) of the Minoan language that Linear A encodes. Chapter 3 presents a thorough investigation of Minoan phonology, progressing systematically through each spoken sound represented by the Linear A signs, and discussing the potential pronunciations of each sound. Evidence is drawn from the Linear B tablets, as they contain many Minoan words and names, as well as from later records in alphabetic Greek, as many Minoan words were borrowed into the Greek language. Odd or alternating spellings of these borrowed words in Greek can yield hints as to how the original Minoan word may have been pronounced. The chapter ends by positing a set of twenty-three spoken sounds for the Minoan language—eighteen consonants and five vowels.
Pronunciation issues in L2 arise from a variety of linguistic sources and can be quite complex, interrelated, and subtle. Differences in sound inventories, phonemic relationships among sounds, phonotactic patterns in syllables and words, and prosodic patterns can all wreak havoc on one’s best efforts at acquiring native-like pronunciation, sometimes in tandem. Drawn from the experience of a field linguist who has taught many to articulate sounds in unfamiliar languages (L2 students learning English pronunciation and English speakers learning sounds from the world’s languages) and to analyze phonological patterns, this chapter showcases the strengths of phonetics, phonology, and typology for exceptional L2 pronunciation teaching. Goals, topics, and resources for a linguistically well-grounded teacher training course in L2 pronunciation are proposed. Properly equipped, the teacher of pronunciation can quickly analyze the linguistic source of pronunciation issues as they arise in class, determine linguistically based strategies in response, and provide clear explanations and effective, individualized coaching on-the-ground with actual L2 learners, with results they see and appreciate.
This article presents the results of an acoustic study of nasal assimilation and gestural overlap at word boundaries in Korean and Korean-accented English. Twelve speakers of Seoul Korean recorded phrases containing obstruent#nasal and obstruent#obstruent sequences in both Korean and English. Nasalization of the word-final obstruent, predicted by the rules of Korean phonology, occurred in 93% of obstruent#nasal sequences in Korean and in 32% of such sequences in Korean-accented English, a rate of application higher than that reported in most other studies of external sandhi alternations in nonnative speech. Acoustic analysis found categorical nasalization in the L1 Korean productions, but both categorical and gradient nasalization, along with a high degree of inter- and intraspeaker variation, in the L2 English productions. For a subset of speakers, there was a significant correlation between quantitative measures of nasalization in English and measures of consonant overlap in the English obstruent#obstruent sequences. An analysis in terms of articulatory gestures and the coupled-oscillator model of speech planning is supported. The analysis is based on the ARTICULATORY PHONOLOGY model (Browman & Goldstein 1990a,b, 1992, 2000, Goldstein et al. 2006), though with modifications. Implications for phonetic and phonological representations, and for speech planning in both L1 and L2, are explored.
Tarifit is an Amazigh language spoken in northern Morocco. This Element provides an overview of some aspects of the phonetics of this under-studied language, focusing on patterns of variation and ongoing sound changes. An acoustic analysis of productions by native speakers is provided, comparing clear and fast speaking styles, focusing on the phonetic realization of vowels in Tarifit: three full vowels /a, i, and u/, and variation in the realization of schwa. The analysis reveals phonetically vowelless words in Tarifit: vowelless productions are a rare, but are allowable variants of some words (especially those containing multiple voiceless obstruents). Another ongoing sound change is explored: post-vocalic /r/ deletion. We find higher rates of r-dropping by female speakers. A perception study investigating native speakers' discrimination of words is presented. This Element discusses what the findings have for models of phonetic variation, individual differences in language production, and sound change theory.
This chapter is intended for readers who have not had any experience of linguistics and provides the necessary background for studying the history of English. It introduces the nature and structure of language in general, but with an emphasis on English. There are sections on phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, lexis, semantics, and pragmatics. The terminology required for the study of language is defined and explained throughout. To illustrate historical change in English, the chapter concludes with the comparison and discussion of extracts from translations of the Bible going back from the twentieth to the eleventh centuries.
This article describes a tool that can be used by blind and visually impaired students in phonetics and phonology classrooms: a tactile International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) magnet-board system. This tool consists of IPA magnets and phonological rule symbols that are printed and embossed, so as to be readable by both sighted and visually impaired individuals. A user of the tool can lay out phonetic and phonological data on the magnet board for communicative, organizational, or problem-solving purposes. Since the magnet board can be read both visually and tactually, it can serve as a collaborative space that can be used by both sighted and visually impaired members of the classroom. Potential uses include group work in class and as an augmentation to chalkboard problem-solving demonstrations. The tool can complement already extant options for blind and visually impaired students and facilitate collaboration between sighted and visually impaired students. Here, we describe the tool, exemplify some potential uses, and offer suggestions for further improvement.
Dissatisfied with traditional grading, we developed a grading system to directly assess whether students have mastered course material. We identified the set of skills students need to master in a course and provided multiple opportunities for students to demonstrate mastery of each skill. We describe in detail how we implemented the system for two undergraduate courses, Introductory Phonetics and Phonology I. Our goals were to decrease student stress, increase student learning and make students' study efforts more effective, increase students' metacognitive awareness, promote a growth mindset, encourage students to aim for mastery rather than partial credit, be fairer to students facing structural and institutional disadvantages, reduce our time spent on grading, and facilitate complying with new accreditation requirements. Our own reflections and student feedback indicate that many of these goals were met.
Many properties of languages, including sign languages, are not uniformly distributed among items in the lexicon. Some of this nonuniformity can be accounted for by appeal to articulatory ease, with easier articulations being overrepresented in the lexicon in comparison to more difficult articulations. The literature on ease of articulation deals only with the active effort internal to the articulation itself. We note the existence of a previously unstudied aspect of articulatory ease, which we call REACTIVE EFFORT: the effort of resisting incidental movement that has been induced by an articulation elsewhere in the body. For example, reactive effort is needed to resist incidental twisting and rocking of the torso induced by path movement of the manual articulators in sign languages. We argue that, as part of a general linguistic drive to reduce articulatory effort, reactive effort should have a significant effect on the relative frequency in the lexicon of certain types of path movements. We support this argument with evidence from Italian Sign Language, Sri Lankan Sign Language, and Al-Sayyid Bedouin Sign Language, evidence that cannot be explained solely by appeal to constraints on bimanual coordination. As the first exploration of the linguistic role of reactive effort, this work contributes not only to the developing field of sign language phonetics, but also to our understanding of phonetics in general, adding to a growing body of functionalist literature showing that some linguistic patterns emerge from more fundamental factors of the physical world.
Spoken language has a well-known drive for ease of articulation, which Kirchner (1998, 2004) analyzes as reduction of the total magnitude of all biomechanical forces involved. We extend Kirchner's insights from vocal articulation to manual articulation, with a focus on joint usage, and we discuss ways that articulatory ease might be realized in sign languages. In particular, moving more joints and/or joints more proximal to the torso results in greater mass being moved, and thus more articulatory force being expended, than moving fewer joints or moving more distal joints. We predict that in casual conversation, where articulatory ease is prized, moving fewer joints should be favored over moving more, and moving distal joints should be favored over moving proximal joints. We report on the results of our study of the casual signing of fluent signers of American Sign Language, which confirm our predictions: in comparison to citation forms of signs, the casual variants produced by the signers in our experiment exhibit an overall decrease in average joint usage, as well as a general preference for more distal articulation than is used in citation form. We conclude that all language, regardless of modality, is shaped by a fundamental drive for ease of articulation. Our work advances a cross-modality approach for considering ease of articulation, develops a potentially important vocabulary for describing variations in signs, and demonstrates that American Sign Language exhibits variation that can be accounted for in terms of ease of articulation. We further suggest that the linguistic drive for ease of articulation is part of a broader tendency for the human body to reduce biomechanical effort in all physical activities.
This work explores the effect of ease of articulation on speech by examining the rates at which various consonants occur in word lists representing thousands of languages. The data reveal that obstruents produced with oral obstruction closer to the glottis are less likely to be voiced when contrasted with their counterparts produced in the anterior region of the vocal tract. While this finding is explainable via previously documented aerodynamic factors, these new data suggest that such factors may have a more powerful influence on speech than typically assumed. The pattern in question is evident even after controlling for the relatedness and areal proximity of language varieties. This study isolates and quantifies the decrease in consonant voicing associated with the reduction in size of the supralaryngeal cavity.
An automated sound correspondence-recognition program developed by the authors is applied to a data set consisting of standardized word lists for over half of the world's languages. Online appendices present the results in a compendium of 692 recurrent sound correspondences that contains information about the frequency of occurrence of each correspondence. Applications of the compendium to historical linguistics are proposed. For example, the catalog of correspondences and frequencies facilitates objective assessment of the commonness or rarity of shared phonological innovations cited as evidence for language-family subgrouping. In another analysis, correspondence frequency is used to measure the degree of similarity between different sounds, yielding models for classifying consonants and vowels that substantially agree with articulatory properties. Correspondence-based similarities are also compared with measurements of sound similarity involving factors such as perceptual confusions, speech errors, and cooccurrence patterns in synchronic phonological rules. Sound similarity discerned from both the perception and production of speech is found to correlate to about the same extent with correspondence-based similarities.
We extracted around two million vowel tokens from a sample of sixty-four speakers (b. 1886–1965; 35M/29F; 16 African Americans/48 non-African Americans) across eight states in the American South in an NSF-funded project. We have validated automatic measurements with manual inspection of alignment samples and find that 87 percent of alignments are successful and another 6 percent are partially successful. This large body of tokens (big data) complements existing sociophonetic research by providing a more thorough, detailed picture of the phonetics of American English. We find that (1) there is a much wider range of realization for vowels than is typically represented, and (2) there is no central tendency for any vowel. Using spatial methods drawn from technical geography, we find that all distributions of tokens in vowel space are nonlinear. This suggests that traditional reliance on finding average acoustic properties of a vowel may be unrepresentative of what most speakers actually do. (3) Distributional patterns for vowels are fractal. When we break up the overall dataset into subgroups (e.g., male/female), the same nonlinear distributional pattern appears but with varying locations of highest density of tokens. These findings complement existing sociophonetic research and demonstrate methods by which variation can both be represented and analyzed.
Designed specifically for class use, this text guides students through developing their own full, working constructed language. It introduces basic concepts and the decisions students need to make about their conlang's speakers and world, before walking them through the process of conlanging in incremental stages, from selecting a language's sounds to choices about its grammar. It includes hundreds of examples from natural and constructed languages, and over seventy end-of-chapter exercises that allow students to apply concepts to an in-progress conlang and guide them in developing their own conlang. Ideal for undergraduates, the text is also suitable for more advanced students through the inclusion of clearly highlighted sections containing advanced material and optional conlang challenges. Instructor resources include an interactive slideshow for selecting stress patterns, an exercise answer guide and a sample syllabus, and student resources include a 'select-a-feature' conlang adventure, a spreadsheet of conlang features, and supplementary documentation for the exercises.
The focus of this chapter is on sounds. The chapter begins with an introduction to the International Phonetic Alphabet to show how you can represent sounds with written symbols. The discussion turns to phonetic features of sounds and how they are connected to physical features of human anatomy. The second section focuses on the production and features of consonant sounds while the third section explores vowels and their features. The final section discusses how to create a balanced sound inventory when selecting sounds for your language. By the end of this chapter, you will select the consonant and vowel sounds you want to incorporate in your conlang.
San Sebastián del Monte Mixtec (henceforth SSM), also known as Tò’on Ndà’vi, is a language of the Mixtecan family, Otomanguean stock. SSM has lexical tones that are orthogonal to rearticulation on vowels. The aim of this production study is to examine both long modal and rearticulated vowels to gain insight into the SSM tonal system, contrastive voice quality, and any potential interactions between voice quality and f0. Rearticulated vowels are described as having a glottal gesture between two vowels of the same quality (V͡ˀV), while modal vowels have no such gesture (VV). To this end, we examined the phonetic realization of the lexical tones in long modal vowels in terms of f0. All tones are distinguished by f0; f0 patterns largely as expected given previously ascribed labels, with minor deviations. Secondly, the phasing and degree of glottalization in rearticulated vowels was measured using ‘strength of excitation’ (SoE); generally the glottal gesture was vowel medial with a dip in SoE at the beginning of the glottal gesture and a rise in SoE following the glottal gesture. However, there was a large degree of interspeaker variation in the production of rearticulated vowels. Additionally, lexical tone category was found to have an impact on the phasing and degree of glottal gesture in rearticulated vowels, and on voice quality in long modal vowels. This supports the idea that voice quality is an additional correlate of lexical tone in SSM.