Policy networks can inform policy design with expertise and build support, or at least acquiescence, for policy change. When policy networks do not arise organically, they can be created through various forms of constructed collaboration. At one extreme, the construction may simply involve tapping expertise through advisory committees. At the other extreme, the constructed arena may delegate policy choice to organizations of stakeholders like the OPTN. Prior research assessed the capacity of the OPTN for evidence-based incremental change in organ allocation rules. This study considered continuous distribution as a radical change in allocation rules. The success of the lung CD serves as a proof of concept for continuous distribution and suggests that it can be effectively implemented for other organs. It also considers stakeholder rulemaking as an institutional alternative in other complex policy areas. Key considerations include whether it can be constructed to engage all relevant stakeholders and induce their willingness to provide expertise.

This chapter assesses the potential of technological tools to ensure voluntary compliance without coercion and improve the predictability of trustworthiness, focusing on the ethical challenges such differentiation might create.

The chapter concerns the relatively underexplored relationship between transitional justice, media, and rightwing populism. In particular, the chapter problematizes the boundaries of official Polish lustration and attends to the ways in which lustration has become a site for the counter-hegemonic struggles of rightwing groups against postsocialist liberal establishment. Through a detailed analysis of informal lustration practices such as highly mediatized “agent lists,” ad hoc commissions, and the historical research about the famous worker dissident and later the president of the Polish Republic, Lech Walesa, the chapter shows the ways in which liberal and conservative nationalist groups mobilize legal rights against each other, especially freedom of speech and freedom of academic research and the right to a good name/reputation, in an environment pervaded by sensational modes of publicity and nationalization and privatization of public life, partly driven by postsocialist capitalist transformation of media and communication practices.

This chapter describes the development towards more substantial legislative activity and governmental involvement in financial conflict resolution, with special attention to the Low Countries. While execution procedures once had a strong individual focus, over time creditors’ rights were increasingly balanced by collectivizing legal solutions. For a long time, legal solutions for insolvency strongly criminalized the insolvent (then called bankrupt, fallitus), seeking to stimulate honest and prudent conduct among citizens by deterrence. The failure to fulfil one’s obligations was indiscriminately punished by shaming rituals in many parts of Europe. While these defamatory practices proliferated well into the early modern period, they seem to have disappeared from the legal treatment of insolvencies in seventeenth-century Amsterdam. This signifies a crucial change in public mentalities, which allowed for the introduction of a more lenient and efficient insolvency regime.

In the digital economy, quality is increasingly becoming the predominant variable of competition. Markets are expected to seek out that state of affairs in which product quality rather than efficiency is maximized. But an effective conceptual resolution of what constitutes product quality is more complex and elusive than previously thought, and there has been a widespread repudiation of the notion that dominant online platforms can be held accountable for failing to deliver something that a single descriptive standard would command them to produce. Furthermore, microeconomic theory provides little guidance for evaluating how adjustments in the level of competition in a market have a bearing on product quality. This chapter suggests that claims relating to product quality can best be resolved by underscoring loyalty. Product quality, viewed from this perspective, provides a framework for assessing the behavior of digital platforms while at the same time legitimizing the manner in which zero-price markets operate. The issue is most prominent with regard to search engine rankings, privacy, and the sale of goods in online marketplaces.

This chapter analyzes the shift towards a closer involvement of the Amsterdam authorities in the lives of citizens from all layers of society that occurred through various institutional innovations after the city turned Protestant in 1578. Credit was a unifying economic phenomenon in Amsterdam, and examining the function of credit allows us to shed light on the connections between people from various classes. Focusing on the phenomenon of insolvency, essentially a breakdown of credit, makes it possible to open up broader perspectives on the early modern economy. Guilds and their civic middle-class values shaped social and economic policies of this period in important ways, clearly displaying the integration among different social groups that also came to be reflected in contemporary legal theory and practice. Religious communities also occupied an important role in financial conflict resolution between creditors and debtors. The moral dimensions of insolvency that become manifest through the acts of various Amsterdam consistories reflect important changes in the attitudes towards insolvency that are typical of the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic.

In his Doctrine of Right, Kant claims that freedom is the only innate right. The Feyerabend Lectures, in contrast, contains a list of many innate rights. I compare Kant’s conception of innate right with Achenwall’s as well as those of Heineccius, Meier, and Hutcheson. Although in Feyerabend Kant lists various innate rights (plural), they roughly correspond to the “authorizations” that Kant develops in the Doctrine of Right from the single innate right of freedom, and even in Feyerabend they are linked to freedom. Not only did Kant have a different basis for right in freedom, his explanation of what the others call innate rights in terms of freedom better explains their importance.

Chapter 4 outlines and tests our argument about the consequences of IO withdrawal for exiting states. We argue that there should be negative reputational and cooperative consequences for withdrawing states because IOs operate as hand-tying, credible commitment devices. International actors might regard withdrawal as backing out of a commitment and a signal that decouples the state from a self-chosen “in-group.” Thus, international actors – such as market analysts and other states – may reduce their trust that a withdrawing state will follow through on other commitments. As evidence, we document that withdrawal is associated with worsened perceptions of political risk and investor confidence. We document how the negative reputational consequences vary based on states’ and IOs’ preexisting reputations. We also show that withdrawal reduces the chance of being elected to the UNSC as a non-permanent member and makes states less likely to sign future treaties with the exiting state. We expect the material consequences of withdrawal to be limited due to strategic selection, substitution, and potential gains. We test these arguments on economic IOs because they represent more than half of all IOs and they can be evaluated consistently. We find that withdrawing states on average suffer limited material consequences.

Chapter 7 details and tests our argument about the consequences of IO suspension. We argue that suspension can lead to negative reputational and cooperative consequences because suspension acts as a heuristic for international actors that the state has violated an international commitment. Suspension sends a signal that the state has been ostracized from a peer club, which removes the seal of approval that comes from membership. Suspension can also make it easier for other international actors to implement sanctions that might otherwise be hampered by collective action or legitimacy challenges. We test our expectations about the consequences of suspension by analyzing 71 IO suspensions for political backsliding from democratically committed IOs but also show some effects for the full set of 101 suspensions from all IOs. We show that ousted states incur reputational harm: This worsened perceptions of political stability and investor confidence scores. We also show that suspended states incur negative cooperative consequences: They have a lower chance of being elected as a non-permanent member in the UNSCand suspension facilitates subsequent sanctions by other international actors. Some suspended states use rhetoric to reject and counter stigmatization, and preemptively withdraw to frame the narrative in their favor. The analyses also show that domestic institutional change following suspension is usually shallow.

Describe how children develop fairness, spite, and helping behaviours; understand the role of emotions, punishment, and reputation in moral development; explore cross-cultural differences and similarities in morality.

This chapter examines the ways in which Shelley’s works and reputation were mediated to Victorian audiences. It argues that the Victorians’ Shelley was to a large extent the Victorians’ creation; his reception in this period differed from both earlier and later understandings of his life and work. The chapter pays particular attention to the role of women such as Mary Shelley and Lady Jane Shelley in shaping the poet’s posthumous reception. It surveys several sites of reception, including editions, anthologies, sermons, statues, and Chartist meetings, to show how Shelley and his writings were appropriated, reimagined, and redeployed in a variety of new contexts by people with divergent aims and concerns. It briefly examines sculpted memorials to Shelley by Henry Weekes and Edward Onslow Ford. The chapter concludes that the Victorian understanding of Shelley was no more monolithic than the ‘Victorians’ themselves.