The prosodic phenomenon called stød in Danish is largely predictable from stress patterns. Words with stress on the ultimate syllable generally have stød, and words with stress on the penultimate syllable generally do not have stød (Grønnum 2005, Goldshtein 2023). According to Basbøll (2005), stød in monomorphemic words can be explained exclusively by the location of the stressed syllable. However, there are exceptions to this general pattern. For example, words with stress on the penultimate syllable ending in -en, -er, or -el often have stød. In this study, an experiment with a two-alternative forced-choice task is used to investigate speakers’ preference for stød in monomorphemic nonce words ending in -en, -er, or -el, compared to nonce words ending in -e. The results show that participants prefer stød more often in nonce words ending in -en, -er, or -el than in nonce words ending in -e, and this preference increases in the same direction as the distribution in the lexicon. The study therefore shows that stød is not exclusively conditioned by the location of the stressed syllable in monomorphemic words. Speakers’ generalizations for stød are more fine-grained, and they reflect statistical patterns in the lexicon.

In Danish, the distribution of stød exhibits a pattern related to the position of the stressed syllable. Some phonological theories of stød, e.g. Basbøll (2005), consider stød on the antepenultimate or ultimate syllable, and non-stød on the penultimate syllable, to be the default. This article reports on a production study with nonce words, investigating the distributional pattern of stød in relation to the position of the stressed syllable in monomorphemic nonce words. Ten speakers were asked to pronounce 336 nonce words with stress on either the ultimate, penultimate, or antepenultimate syllable. The results showed that stød on ultimate stressed syllables and non-stød on penultimate stressed syllables replicates in nonce words, but stød on antepenultimate stressed syllables does not. This suggests that stød in antepenultimate stressed words is not the default, but lexical.

Despite many attempts, we do not yet know how to answer the question exhaustively and adequately: What is common Danish stød phonetically? Specifically, is there an underlying physiological constancy behind the considerable acoustic variability? And is there a common denominator to the different acoustic manifestations that might explain their perceptual equivalence? Systematic acoustic, physiological, and perceptual investigations of common Danish stød now span (a little more than) three quarters of a century. This is a review of that research, to determine what may be considered established phonetic facts about common Danish stød and the open questions that remain for future research.

In recent years stød has appeared in words where the current phonological and morphological principles of its distribution would exclude it. Thus, a disyllable like [ˈsiːðə] side ‘page’ is without stød, also in a compound like bagside ‘back page’, but it has lately been heard with stød: . In a controlled experiment, speakers were required to produce compounds consisting of an existing initial word succeeded by a final nonce noun. The results indicate that stød may be spreading in this context. Furthermore, its distribution across the 40 nonce nouns was found to be similar to its distribution among existing nouns in the vocabulary: There are more nonce nouns with stød (i) in the definite singular, (ii) especially with short stressed vowels, and (iii) particularly if the initial word is monosyllabic. A change is apparently underway which will eventually partially suspend a non-stød principle which relieves disyllabic lexemes of stød.

The Danish prosodic phenomenon stød is associated with a specific range of suffixes including the singular definite suffixes -en and -et. Diachronically, as well as distributionally, stød is related to Swedish/Norwegian accent 1, but unlike accent 1, stød is seen as phonetically and phonologically marked. Keeping in mind the cross-distribution between phonetic/phonological markedness and distributional patterns, we investigate here whether stød is also related to accent 1 when it comes to cognitive markedness. We present the results of a psycholinguistic study in which participants attended to words that were either appropriate combinations of prosody (stød vs. non-stød) and suffix (singular definite -en/-et vs. plural indefinite -e) or mismatches between prosody and suffix. Participants gave slower and more inaccurate responses to mismatches. This effect of mismatch was most pronounced for words with non-stød stems, indicating that the cognitive markedness status of stød corresponds to that of accent 2.

The Danish stød, a kind of glottal prosody associated with certain syllables, as in barʔn ‘child’ (cf. stødless barnlig ‘childish’), has long been the target of intense phonological investigation. In this paper, we show that its analysis requires an understanding of the prosodic constituent structure of Danish, and of the essential role of the perfect prosodic word (coextensive with one foot). After motivating this notion on independent grounds, both in other languages and in the context of acquisition, we show that the Danish stød system, analyzed in Optimality Theory, provides a window on the workings of the perfect prosodic word, regulating the presence and absence of stød in some of the much-discussed cases in the literature. In conclusion, we discuss the status of the perfect prosodic word in the light of recent developments in phonological theory, such as Match Theory.