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Chapter 10 questions whether law should widen its lens to address general appearance discrimination too. Would a protected characteristic of appearance offer viable legal rights to the many millions of us who do not have a disfigurement but are less-than-beautiful in some way? For example, is appearance objective enough to be adjudicated in law? Is a clear distinction between mutable and immutable aspects of appearance important – or even possible given increasing medico-cosmetic opportunities to change the way our bodies look? Do we have an unobjectionable nomenclature to describe appearance and attractiveness in legal terms? And could we swallow well-meaning employers’ attempts to measure the attractiveness of their staff for the purposes of diversity monitoring? The discussion draws on examples of comparative laws in France and America. Both countries have adopted wider conceptions of appearance equality, and America’s laws have seen a recent period of growth, with Binghampton, New York, the latest to vote such a law onto its statute books in 2023. However, both sets of laws remain little used so far, despite evidence showing that appearance discrimination remains prevalent. How could we ensure that a protected characteristic of appearance in the UK avoided a similar fate?
Chapter 2 explores an important premise which underlies this critique of the law: it examines the idea that disfigurement inequality is a problem which merits a legal response – namely the granting of protective rights under the Act. It concludes that, despite some uncomfortable distinctions, there is a compelling case for a legal response in this area. The nature of law’s current response is then laid out. Relevant parts of the international legal framework – including EU law, the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (‘CRPD’) and decisions of the European Court of Human Rights (‘ECtHR’) applying the European Convention on Human Rights – are explained by reference to the models of disability which implicitly inform them.
Chapter 6 concludes the three-partite discussion about what hampers meaningful assurances of ‘Never Again’ in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and what transitional justice has to do with conflict recurrence anxieties. The chapter first identifies the widespread glorification of war criminals and denial of atrocity crimes as key sources of anxiety about potential renewed conflict in BiH. Next, the chapter analytically links these practices to the global project and discusses how past practices of legal and institutional reform such as vetting led to a legal structure that did not regulate convicted war criminals’ access to power. The chapter then explains these behaviours as responses to the perceived threats to different political communities’ ontological securities. The chapter shows how the resulting widespread practices of glorification and the culture of denialism are framed by the international community as a ‘civilisational issue’ which serves to prolong the relevance and presence of the external actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina and stigmatise actors in international society.
Mental illnesses constitute a large and escalating portion of the global burden of disease, particularly in low- and middle-income countries like Uganda. Understanding community perceptions towards mental illness is crucial for developing effective interventions.
Aims
To explore beliefs about the perceived causes and treatment of common mental illnesses (depression, anxiety, alcohol use disorder) and suicidality in rural eastern Uganda.
Method
Qualitative study using 31 in-depth interviews and 4 focus group discussions with healthcare workers, community health workers, community leaders and general community members in Buyende District, Uganda. Vignettes were used to depict mental illnesses to elicit perceptions, and data were analysed using the framework method.
Results
Two main themes emerged: perceived causes and treatment of mental illness. Participants identified three primary perceived causes: psychosocial (predominantly financial stress), biological and supernatural. Community support was most frequently endorsed as a perceived effective treatment, followed by biomedical interventions and alternative therapies.
Conclusions
This study identifies common beliefs regarding the causes and perceptions of mental illness in rural Uganda. The predominant focus on financial stressors as a cause of mental illness, coupled with strong emphasis and belief in the effectiveness of community-based support as treatment, highlights the need for context-specific mental health interventions.
For all intents and purposes, life was good for Karen: happily married and settled with three children and a nice life. A series of events -- including bereavement; a large, organised fraud involving threats, police involvement and a court case; and the sudden severe ill health of her husband -- sent her down a deep hole. Major depression and anxiety opened boxes that were closed many years ago containing trauma that was never disclosed and everything collapsed. PTSD added to the deep despair and there were numerous episodes of self-harm and suicide attempts. Six years of repeated admissions (mostly involuntary) followed, being treated with medications and four courses of ECT. ECT was instrumental in Karen being well enough to be able to engage with the therapy she needed for long-term recovery. The story is narrated with original diary extracts and poems written at the time of her suffering. Karen now works with the ECT Accreditation scheme, reviewing ECT clinics around the country, and has spoken extensively about her experiences to journalists and at conferences, trying to reduce the stigma that surrounds the treatment. She is also employed in the clinic where she received treatment as a peer support worker
CJ experienced mental health problems and trauma during childhood and adolescence. This was treated effectively with psychotherapy. He remembers being exuberant and outgoing. Then, at the age of twenty-one, he developed a severe depressive episode, feeling numb and emotionless, unable to taste anything. Due to the previous history, a diagnosis of personality disorder was suggested, resulting in a delay in starting ECT whilst an inpatient. Relapses followed, the first one in Brazil, where he was quickly offered ECT. Back in the UK, CJ found pervasive barriers to getting treated with ECT, especially maintenance ECT, which he asked for several times, having seen the effect of the acute courses. He had to first try various drug treatments. There was also hesitancy in receiving psychotherapy because it was felt that ECT may affect his ability to engage in therapy. CJ feels that the community team had been inadequately resourced, equipped and educated about ECT to properly support him as an outpatient. CJ finishes the story with a description of his ‘life on maintenance’, which did not stop him from starting studies on a degree and working part-time as a research assistant.
In modern healthcare, decision-making favours neatly delineated, categorical imperatives. We prefer to say: ‘This practice is good’ and ‘That one is bad’, believing that each decision has a straightforward yes-or-no resolution. However, medicine thrives in uncertainty, partial improvements and small steps that can lead to life-altering gains. Harm reduction, whether for tobacco use, opioid dependence or beyond, embodies the acceptance of imperfect solutions. It is precisely in these areas that black-or-white thinking can be most destructive. Insisting on total cessation or complete eradication of risk, rather than supporting incremental progress, alienates many patients and perpetuates preventable morbidity and mortality. Recognising this pattern and transcending ‘all-or-nothing’ mindsets is crucial for compassionate, evidence-based care. Accordingly, we ask: ‘How does binary thinking in medical decision-making impact the effectiveness of harm reduction strategies?’ Such an inquiry addresses how well we can truly meet patient needs in real-world practice, especially amid complexity.
This study examined changes in public knowledge, behaviours and attitudes towards individuals with mental health disorders in Ukraine. A nationwide survey was used to gather data from Ukrainian adults; this data was then compared with data gathered by Quirke et al. (2021, Cambridge Prisms Global Mental Health, 8) to form a comparison study. In congruence with the original study, the Mental Health Knowledge Schedule, the Community Attitudes towards Mental Illness Scale and the Reported Intended Behaviour scales were used. Measures of knowledge and attitudes towards individuals with mental disorders reflected a small reduction of knowledge (r = 0.13, p < .001) and a large reduction in benevolent attitudes (r = 0.96, p < .001). Conversely, there was a large decrease in authoritarian attitudes (r = −0.50, p < .001). Measures of behaviour reflected a medium positive increase in past and present behaviour (r = 0.33, p < .001) and a small positive increase in intended future behaviour towards individuals with mental illness (r = 0.24, p < .001). These findings provide a snapshot of changes in stigma towards those with mental health disorders in Ukraine and highlighted the growing need for evidence-based anti-stigma interventions and the monitoring of their impact.
In International Relations (IR) scholarship, there is a growing body of research on the connections between emotions, stigma, and norm violations. It is often presumed that for stigma imposition to be successful, norm violators should feel shame. We argue instead that the emotional dynamics that inform the management of stigma are more complex and involve overlooked emotions such as anxiety, sadness, and hopelessness. We substantiate this by analysing the successful stigmatisation of anti-war voices in Azerbaijan during the 2020 Karabakh war. While the vast majority of the Azerbaijani population supported the war, a small minority contested its legitimacy and the related emotional obligation to express hatred against Armenians. However, these anti-war voices became stigmatised as ‘traitors to the homeland’, and were ultimately pushed to self-silence. We contribute to the growing IR scholarship on emotions and stigma in two ways. First, we show how successful stigmatisation of norm violators may involve emotional dynamics that go beyond shame. Second, we discuss the power of emotion norms of hatred, which, especially in times of war, can push ‘ordinary people’ to pro-actively and vehemently stigmatise norm-violators. In conclusion, we elaborate on the potential future implications of stigma on peacebuilding activities between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
Examines the concept of hoarding, what it is and how some animals and most people have a tendency to collect items beyond their immediate requirements. The distinction is made between a hoard and a collection. The types of items which are hoarded are discussed along with a description of animal hoarding.
Social aspects of hoarding. We address the stigma of hoarding and how this can be treated by society, along with discussion of the shame and humiliation which prevents many people with hoarding problems from seeking help. This stigma can be reinforced by “helping” agencies who may view it as a “lifestyle choice” rather than a condition which requires help. Then looking at the role the media has played in perpetuating the myth that hoarders should be able to deal with it themselves.
Hoarding is a symptom rather than a distinct diagnosis and may be found in many conditions but there is a specific condition with characteristic features known as Hoarding Disorder. Some possible causes of hoarding are then described followed by a more detailed examination of the diagnosis of Hoarding Disorder
Finally, the chapter examines t what age hoarding arises and introduces the idea of hoarding in childhood.
In this chapter we will examine the psychological treatments that have been found to be helpful for people with Hoarding Disorder. The main approach used is Cognitive Behaviour Therapy (CBT). This may be with an individual or in a group setting. Although, as with much of the research into Hoarding Disorder, the number of studies of high quality are limited, we have good evidence that CBT does work and can have life-changing impacts both on the hoarding and also the depressive symptoms which often accompany Hoarding Disorder. One of the major issues, however, can be the reluctance of people with Hoarding disorder to enter into treatment programmes and then to stick with the programme. There may be many reasons for this reluctance. One recent development which may be hopeful for the future has been using an approach known as Compassion Focussed Therapy in addition to the standard CBT.
Addiction is a highly prevalent brain disease. It is a major cause of many secondary forms of medical illness and accidents, and it is a leading root cause of death. The disease attacks the circuits of the brain that govern motivational learning and control. It is defined by increasingly compulsive drug seeking and use, despite the accumulation of negative medical, social, and psychiatric consequences. Because the disease also impacts brain systems governing the exercise of free-will, decision-making, and insight, it is often judged, criminalized, and stigmatized, which are countertherapeutic social responses to the disease. Addiction psychiatry is a field of psychiatry that is uniquely trained to treat the entire spectrum of addictions and mental illness, especially for mainstream dual-diagnosis patients who suffer with combinations of these disorders. The epidemiology of addiction shows that the disease is not evenly distributed in the population. Rather, it tends to concentrate in people with genetic, developmental, and environmental risk factors, many of which overlap with those that also produce mental illness. Advances and growth in addiction psychiatry training, research, and clinical care hold tremendous potential for ending mass incarceration and rendering the healthcare system more efficacious and cost-effective.
In this chapter we examine the difficult problem of trying to offer help and support to a friend or loved one who has Hoarding Disorder. Many people with Hoarding Disorder are reluctant to admit that they have a problem. This may be due to shame and the stigma surrounding the condition, or may be due to a lack of insight as the individual has become so accustomed to this way of living and denies there is a problem. Family members and friends need to be empathetic, patient, and tolerant. Constant nagging is likely to increase resistance and so it is a difficult path between urging them to get help but not causing them to feel persecuted and to cut ties with those trying to help them. If their own health and safety, or that of others is at risk, then we suggest ways in which you can ensure they receive the help they need. At the end of this chapter, we list some of the agencies that can offer help and advice for family, friends, and people living with hoarding problems. While helping a person with hoarding it is imperative you also consider your own health and safety as well as that of the person with hoarding.
It is widely known that people with a severe and persistent mental illness (SPMI) are more at risk of poor physical health outcomes because of disparities in healthcare access and provision. Less is known about the quality of end-of-life (EoL) care in people with SPMI who have a life-limiting disease.
Methods
A comprehensive and systematic literature search in PubMed, Embase, Web of Science, Scopus, and CINAHL electronic databases (from inception to November 2023) was conducted, without language restriction, for reviews on EoL care and/or palliative sedation for people with SPMI and a life-limiting disease. A critical appraisal of the selected reviews was performed. Data were analyzed according to the four principles of biomedical ethics.
Results
Ten reviews were included. These show that people with SPMI are at risk of suboptimal EoL care. Stigma among healthcare professionals, lack of integrated care policies, absence of advanced care planning, and insufficient expertise and training in palliative care of psychiatrists have been identified as key challenges to the provision of adequate EoL care for people with SPMI. No data were found about palliative sedation.
Conclusions
To optimize palliative and EoL care for SPMI patients with a life-limiting disease, a policy of coordinated and integrated mental and physical healthcare is needed. Moreover, education and training initiatives to reduce stigma and discrimination among all healthcare workers and to enhance palliative care skills in psychiatrists should be offered. Finally, more research is needed on EoL particularly on palliative sedation for people with SPMI and a life-limiting disease.
In academia, as in any profession, one of the toughest decisions facing an autistic person is whether and when to disclose their diagnosis. On the one hand, disclosure can bring awareness, understanding, and support. On the other, it can bring misunderstanding, stigma, and discrimination. In this chapter participants reflect on their decisions to disclose (or not to disclose) to employers, colleagues, staff, and students – and the impacts of these decisions. This chapter also addresses the issue of masking (hiding their autistic characteristics), including when and why participants feel the need to mask and the impact this has on them.
Borderline personality disorder (BPD) is a highly stigmatised mental disorder. A variety of research exists highlighting the stigma experienced by individuals with BPD and the impacts of such prejudices on their lives. Similarly, much research exists on the benefits of engaging in compassionate acts, including improved mental health recovery. However, there is a notable gap in understanding how stigma experienced by people with BPD acts as a barrier to compassion and by extension recovery. This paper synthesises these perspectives, examining common barriers to compassionate acts, the impact of stigma on people with BPD, and how these barriers are exacerbated for individuals with BPD due to the stigma they face. The synthesis of perspectives in the article highlights the critical role of compassion in supporting the recovery of individuals with BPD, while also revealing the significant barriers posed by stigma. Addressing these challenges requires a comprehensive understanding of the intersection between compassion and stigma, informing the development of targeted interventions to promote well-being and recovery for individuals with BPD.
Historical research on efforts to reduce the stigma associated with venereal disease (VD) generally dates these campaigns back to the 1930s. Within the United States, one of the earliest attempts to detach VD from its traditional association with sexual immorality occurred during the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century, when the New York City dermatologist Lucius Bulkley coined the term syphilis insontium (‘syphilis of the innocent’) in the hopes of demonstrating that many of those who contracted this disease did so through non-sexual contact. Gaining widespread acceptance within the medical community, Bulkley’s ideas served as the intellectual foundation for a discursive assault on the prevailing belief that syphilis constituted the ‘wages of sin’—one designed to destigmatise the disease and to promote more scientific responses to it. However, the effects of this anti-stigma rhetoric were often counterproductive. Encouraging doctors to discern ‘innocence’ or ‘guilt’ through assessments of a patient’s character, syphilis insontium often amplified the disease’s association with immorality. With the passage of time, physicians became increasingly aware of these problems, and in the 1910s, a backlash against Bulkley’s ideas emerged within the American medical community. Yet even with the resultant demise of his destigmatisation campaign, discourses of ‘innocent syphilis’ continued to circulate, casting a long shadow over subsequent stigma reduction efforts.
While early intervention in psychosis (EIP) programs have been increasingly implemented across the globe, many initiatives from Africa, Asia and Latin America are not widely known. The aims of the current review are (a) to describe population-based and small-scale, single-site EIP programs in Africa, Asia and Latin America, (b) to examine the variability between programs located in low-and-middle income (LMIC) and high-income countries in similar regions and (c) to outline some of the challenges and provide recommendations to overcome existing obstacles.
Methods
EIP programs in Africa, Asia and Latin America were identified through experts from the different target regions. We performed a systematic search in Medline, Embase, APA PsycInfo, Web of Science and Scopus up to February 6, 2024.
Results
Most EIP programs in these continents are small-scale, single-site programs that serve a limited section of the population. Population-based programs with widespread coverage and programs integrated into primary health care are rare. In Africa, EIP programs are virtually absent. Mainland China is one of the only LMICs that has begun to take steps toward developing a population-based EIP program. High-income Asian countries (e.g. Hong Kong and Singapore) have well-developed, comprehensive programs for individuals with early psychosis, while others with similar economies (e.g. South Korea and Japan) do not. In Latin America, Chile is the only country in the process of providing population-based EIP care.
Conclusions
Financial resources and integration in mental health care, as well as the availability of epidemiological data on psychosis, impact the implementation of EIP programs. Given the major treatment gap of early psychosis in Africa, Latin America and large parts of Asia, publicly funded, locally-led and accessible community-based EIP care provision is urgently needed.