This section presents an annotated critical edition of Modos de vivir que no dan de vivir. Oficio menudos , one of the ‘artículos de costumbres’, a type of satirical sketch that was popular in nineteenth-century Europe, by the Romantic journalist Mariano José de Larra (1809–37).

This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book begins by revisiting some of the founding tenets of critical theory in the context of the establishment of the Institute for Social Research in the early twentieth century. After charting the history of melancholy, it focuses on the work of Walter Benjamin, whose varied engagements with the subject of melancholia prove to be far more mobile and complex than traditional accounts. The book looks at how an affective politics underpins critical theory's engagement with the world of objects. It explores the affective politics of hope. The book outlines the upsurge in theoretical writing on objects/things, especially within the much-touted field of 'object-oriented ontology' (OOO) or 'speculative realism' (SR).

This chapter shows that pro-colonial rhetoric such as that generated in New York was integral to Belgium's overseas rule, and the USA was the main target beginning with the Second World War. From the 1940s through the 1950s, Belgians remained publicly committed to a colonialism in the service of the 'civilizing mission', even after others had dropped the phrase and after 'colonialism' accrued negative connotations. They said their task was distinctive because central African people were so backward, and unlike in Britain, France and Portugal, the Belgian outlook was uncomplicated by colonial activity in several places. Their belief that their mission and methods were unique made them more similar to, rather than different from, other imperialists. Belgians appeared self-assured of their colonial mission and engaged in pro-colonial rhetoric to cultivate faith in their control over the Congo among domestic and foreign audiences.

The exclusion of the Free French left the way open for Britain's Middle East command to arrange a settlement in French Somaliland. In 1942 Djibouti was a minor unresolved problem for Charles de Gaulle. The major colonial prizes of French North and West Africa, both still firmly under Vichy control, were far more critical. Long after the dissolution of the first French empire in North America, St Pierre and Miquelon's fishing community remained faithful to France. The proposed occupation of Vichyite Madagascar also contributed to this inter-Allied friction, and actually took up more French National Committee time than discussion of French North Africa. Japan's relentless southward advance during the spring of 1942 transformed Madagascar's role within British strategic planning for the defence of the Indian Ocean. In the early months of 1942 the British government rejected further Free French proposals for a joint invasion of the island.

The empowerment of national parliaments has certainly involved a diversification in approach from the original democratisation method of deepening and broadening a directly elected European Parliament's involvement in the legislative process. Effective national parliamentary involvement in European Union (EU) policy matters requires adequate structure, e.g. the provision of adequate information and adequate time to carry out these functions. The quantity of information reaching national parliaments makes necessary systems to filter out less important data, the efficiency of which, however, depends much on parliamentary research and administrative resources. National parliaments also operate in different political contexts, capable of leading to differing approaches concerning EU-related powers. Hence, national parliaments may demand more accountability in European affairs if there is a national context of Euroscepticism, and also have more influence where there is a minority government.