Introduction

For at least two centuries, major development has integrated the island of Borneo into the international market upon which a contested socio-ecological process set forth. Evidence reveals that the increasingly global market, operating through colonial contexts, infiltrated Borneo's economy by exploiting forest products, mineral resources, and essential commodities (Phillips 2016). At issue is the suppression of ‘native’ life by controlling the population, the imposition of economic monopoly, and the exclusion of these resources. This brutal marginalization is still ongoing and marks a colonial legacy, suppressing the rights of indigenous communities.

For example, the current extractivist and modern plantation models have been shown to be racially discriminatory, as evidenced by colonial agrarian policies that have disregarded the rights of indigenous peoples and sought to assert European control over their traditional territories (McCarthy and Camb 2009). The ideas presented in this chapter are informed by my research on indigenous climate justice adaptation in Borneo. As marginalization intersects with other environmental crises occurring at the local level, this chapter focuses on how the spiritual and disenchanted perspectives of the Dayak people remain relevant to ongoing crises and injustices within the context of climate change and the global political–economic system. The United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs has indicated that indigenous communities exhibit a minimal level of responsibility for climate change, while simultaneously experiencing the most severe consequences of its associated hazards (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs n.d.).

In his powerful poem titled ‘Shema’, Primo Levi, an Auschwitz survivor, urges the world to pay attention to the victims of the Holocaust and to never lose sight of the human monstrosity that unfolded under fascism. Despite Levi's warning, there is a global resurgence of fascism (Mason 2021; Patnaik 2024; Stanley 2020). India seems to be in a similar situation with its embrace of fascism in the form of Hindutva. Fascism is a state of capitalism that arises because of a crisis or its possibility in which the traditional elite cannot dominate the political sphere and serve the interests of large corporations through liberal institutions (Poulantzas 2018). It is an authoritarian reaction (Desai 2016; Patnaik 2024) and a capitalist counter-revolution wearing a popular mask (Parenti 1997; Rosenberg 2016).

Introduction

The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), signed in 1992, brings together countries in a worldwide commitment to contain global warming. With the Paris Agreement, signed in 2015, this commitment is renewed and takes on an emergency character, challenging the legal field to think of strategies that establish, in the connection of national and international spaces, the duty to act to guarantee the continuity of all forms of life on the planet. The transformations required on an emergency basis to contain the advance of global warming are structural and lead to the need to rethink the entire production process. The context used in this chapter portrays Brazilian rural development in the face of the climate emergency.

In agricultural production, there is a clear contradiction between the emergence of climate change and the continued exploitation of export-oriented monocultures, known as agribusiness. The history of the word ‘agribusiness’ began in the 1940s at the Harvard Business School, with Donald K. Davis and the intention of creating a disciplinary area of studies on agriculture and business, based on liberalism and aimed at reducing the role of the state in regulation and opening up to private initiative (Pompeia 2021, 43–46). The expression appeared in the Brazilian public arena between the 1950s and 1960s (Pompeia 2021, 87). This period was marked by the debate between conservative and progressive forces about development and was interrupted by the military coup of 1964 (Pompeia 2021, 90).

The ascent of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to power in 2014 marked a significant transformation in India's sociopolitical landscape. The BJP, as the political wing of the Sangh Parivar, a network of Hindu supremacist organizations, strategically utilized the full spectrum of politico-legal systems and socio-economic institutions in its attempt to shape India into a Hindu Rashtra (Hindu Nation). This effort has gained remarkable momentum, particularly following the BJP and its alliances’ successive electoral victories and firm control over the Indian parliament. For building Hindutva (Hindu nationhood) politics, the BJP adopts a primordial perspective, defining a nation through socio-biological links or socially constructed cultural connectivity, such as language, religion, territory, and kinship (de Souza 2022; Kumbamu 2020; Shani 2021). Deeply immersed in such primordialism, the Sangh Parivar defines the nation based on the idea of oneness (one law, one culture, one religion, and one language), which aims to promote Hindu supremacy, stigmatizing and labelling those who diverge from its definition as ‘enemies’ or ‘anti-nationals’ (Banaji 2018; Chacko 2023; Frykenberg 2008; Siddiqui 2017). As a result, there is an increasing criminalization of various forms of political dissent. This includes actions ranging from targeted ‘legal’ assaults on opposition political parties and ideologies to overt threats and ‘conspiracy’ cases against activists, academics, journalists, writers, and artists.

In this political context, deep-seated concerns have emerged regarding the state of democracy, civil liberties, and the functioning of constitutional institutions.

When its armies were finally defeated in May 1945, the vaunted Third Reich lay in waste and smoldering ruin. The air was foul, the cities ablaze, the countryside blighted; forests, fields, and rivers were blasted and defiled. Adolf Hitler, the messianic Führer or leader of the nation, had promised his people a thousand years of prosperity and peace. Instead his 12-year reign left nothing but desolation. Across Europe, the trail of German forces stank with the wreckage of shattered communities, ravaged landscapes, and exterminated lives. The destruction that Nazi Germany inflicted on the continent was unparalleled in human as well as environmental terms.

The introduction begins with the book’s central argument: Egyptian cultural and media institutions have constructed a coherent state project after the 1952 revolution through a praxis of ‘achievement’ (ingāz, pl. ingazāt). Inspired by the anthropology of bureaucracy and the state, the book intervenes in the longstanding historiography on the Nasser era to show how low- and mid-ranking bureaucrats affiliated to the Ministry of Culture and National Guidance have worked to create a unified state-idea after 1952, while constituting a bureaucratic corps on a similar ideological basis. Such bureaucrats, as well as higher-ranking officials and ministers, are central actors in the book’s narrative. The introduction also reviews the book’s main sources and methods, including ethnographic fieldwork, archival visits in institutional repositories and personal libraries, as well as regular dives into the second-hand book market in Cairo.

This chapter considers how Australian theatre responds to, represents and stages floods, and how those representations have changed over the last half-century and more. Beginning with Eunice Hanger’s Flood and Mona Brand’s Flood Tide from the 1950s, the chapter traces how dramatic characters are fashioned in response to increasingly extreme climates. Alana Valentine’s (2008) Watermark, a work of community/verbatim theatre, draws on the oral testimony of survivors of a fast-moving flood that in 1998 swept through the town and surrounding areas of Katherine in the Northern Territory. In Jackie Smith’s (2009) The Flood, rising flood waters have a materiality and agential capacity to provoke fear and anger in the three characters of three dramatic characters trapped inside a run-down farmhouse. Between Two Waves by Ian Meadows (2012) is a politically engaged climate change drama that represents the increasing hysteria of a climate scientist’s warnings as they this to these are distorted and denied by conservative politicians and media.

Introduction

There is a slow, albeit steady, evolution towards the significance and development of economic, social, and cultural rights (ESCRs), moving from international to regional and national systems. Constitutionally elevating ESCRs to fundamental human rights places substantive meaning on the notion of indivisibility and justiciability of all human rights. Climate change poses a threat to this elevated set of human rights, disproportionately impacting the historically marginalized and underserved communities on a global scale. Moreso, progress towards sustainable development for the Global South has been negatively impacted by climate change disasters – severe weather conditions such as droughts and floods have become more frequent and destructive. Consequently, the financing gap and general capacity of the Global North and Global South countries to progressively realize ESCRs is ever widening. It is a major concern that the climate emergency the world is confronted with is a problem to which the Global South has played a minimal role contributing. Rapid industrialization, wealth creation, and improved living standards in the Global North have been spurred by a tainted history of unsustainable natural resource extraction and unsustainable industrial practices much to the detriment of the Global South, which has given rise to the notion of climate justice.

Climate justice is not an exclusively environmental concern but also has implications for the implementation and protection of fundamental civil and political rights, as well as ESCRs. On 28 July 2022, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) through resolution A/RES/76/300 confirmed the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) resolution recognizing for the first time that access to a clean, healthy, and sustainable environment is a human right.

The land now called Australia was settled by humans between 50,000 and 65,000 years ago, and the lands and waterways sustained balanced life until 1788 when a fleet of British soldiers, settlers and convicts landed on the central east coast. This chapter traces the ways theatrical works stage ‘land’ that has been transformed and depleted by the interrelated actions of colonialism, deforestation and pastoralism. It features the ecological content and staging of three works: Yanagai! Yanagai! by Yorta Yorta and Gunaikurnai woman Andrea James (2003), Louis Nowra’s (1985) The Golden Age and The White Earth by Andrew McGahan and Shaun Charles (2009). These depict violent land-grabs violent land-grabs, massacres, stubborn farming practices and ignorance of the environment as an ecosystem with a long history of human habitation. This chapter looks at the problem of ongoing ecological damage and struggles to develop sustainable land practices.