The principal question we investigate in this chapter is the nature of the parameters governing the nature and position of clausal negation. We propose that the parameters governing the expression of negation are rather simple. Much of the variation in this domain is, instead, largely the reflex of three independent interacting factors. The first of these is the nature of Verb-movement in a given language: here the Verb-movement parameters discussed in Chapter Five are relevant. The second factor is the semantics of clausal negation. The third factor is asymmetric c-command: both Agree and scope relations depend on this structural relation. The syntax and semantics of clausal negation involve both Agree and scope relations.

This chapter presents arguments in favour of analysing cross-linguistic word-order variation in terms of an asymmetric approach to linearisation based on the proposals in Kayne (1994). There is also a discussion of the Final over Final Condition, roll-up movement and movement types.

Berlin offers a typically high level and broad-based discussion of nationalism and its relationship to nationality or national consciousness and the idea of the nation. The first part of this chapter will explore the structure of his essay and then its main arguments. The chapter begins with subtle distinctions between nation, national consciousness and then nationality as an ideological form and explores the claim that nationalism has been relatively overlooked compared to the other main ideologies that emerged out of the post–French Revolution world. The language of nation was important for the development of the modern European nation state, and especially in the context of the retreat of empire. He argues that the success of the nation state system should have left the language of the nation to fade from view. However, nationalism surprises because of its prevalence, and Berlin seeks to explain this in terms of rectifying a national political wound and the rise of a new elite in that context seeking a political language to recreate a new political order. The final part of the chapter notes the surprising prevalence of this Eurocentric language in the post-Eurocentric world.

Chapter 5 explores the sharper edges of China’s image-making and illuminates the subtle, multifaceted silencing that permeates China’s diplomacy. The experiences of Ethiopian journalists, PR professionals, officials, and scholars point to the core feature of censorship as controlled information release. This includes proactive selective publicity and information withdrawals, as well as spontaneous and reactive silencing, at times carried out by non-state actors. Ethiopian elites reinforce the efforts of Chinese stakeholders and co-discipline China narratives out of their own strategic interest in upholding a positive relationship with China. At the same time, in private spaces, these same elites also articulate and spread negative stories about China through satire and rumors.

This Chapter concentrates on Verb movement across a range of languages, including the Romance languages, English, Haitian and Cape Verde Creole, two kinds of Verb-initial languages, Mandarin Chinese, Latin and Japanese.

After the French Revolution led eventually to a Napoleonic invasion of Spain, the feckless King Carlos IV, Queen María Luisa, and their son Fernando decamped for France in 1808. Without a functioning government, the Spanish people and a rag-tag army harassed the French but won few battles before England sent seasoned troops that finally ousted the French. Fernando VII returned amid revolutions in the Americas that shattered Spanish America into dozens of independent republics. The king also had to accept a constitution that limited his power. His daughter, Isabel II, never understood her role as a constitutional monarch, and a series of military coups and changes in government eventually led to her ouster and a brief republican government. A Bourbon restoration failed to help heal the fissures in Spanish political life, in which compromise was rare and various factions alternated in power through a cynical and corrupt system of managed elections. Amid increasing violence and unrest, Alfonso XIII accepted a military dictator to run the government. When he fell from favor, and the army disgraced itself during a war in Morocco, the king went into exile in 1931, allowing politicians on the left to declare a republic.

This chapter shows how Percy Shelley moves from taking negative positions on others’ beliefs to exploring how to hold and encourage hopeful beliefs without absolutes. The first section examines Shelley’s developing argument, in his philosophical prose, for the value of the malleable mindset he calls “persuasion” within the framework of necessity. The abiding appeal of rigid convictions, and of literary genres that might impose them, comes to the fore in his “Satire upon Satire” and Julian and Maddalo. The chapter then shows how, in Prometheus Unbound, Shelley reimagines persuasion as a matter chiefly of craft: of rearranging what we think we know or leaving it open-ended. Shelley’s main graphic, rhythmical, and rhetorical instrument for this, it is argued, is the ellipsis, serial dots that perform the same disruptive function as the vacancies that he describes in his prose as the most important sites of cognitive and collective reform.

This chapter analyzes how economic globalization constrains parties’ ability to keep their campaign promises once in government. Drawing on large-n data across advanced democracies, we show that globalization – through legal commitments, market discipline, and economic uncertainty – reduces the likelihood that parties fulfill their pledges. We construct a new dataset linking campaign promises with fulfillment outcomes and integrate measures of international legal obligations, exposure to global markets, and volatility. We find that globalization undermines promise keeping particularly for left-wing parties, whose policy agendas often conflict with global market pressures. Importantly, these effects are not mitigated by changes in the number or type of promises parties make. The findings provide empirical support for the argument that globalization erodes core mechanisms of promissory representation by narrowing the space for responsive policymaking. This chapter lays the empirical groundwork for the case study in Chapter 5 and the voting behavior analysis in Chapter 6.

The purposes of this chapter are to highlight the importance of financial privacy, discuss its erosion in recent decades and to explain why more needs to be done to protect it: financial privacy is a fundamental principle of a free-market economy. However, a CBDC would further undermine what little financial privacy still exists.

The protection of financial privacy was traditionally regarded as a key principle of a free society and is a foundation of free exchange. However, in recent decades the right to financial privacy has gradually been downgraded in importance and a CBDC would severely downgrade it further.

A good starting point is the London banks of the nineteenth century, which took customer confidentiality extremely seriously. Similar attitudes existed in the US until the 1960s, but respect for financial privacy then came under a sustained legislative assault that continues to this day, creating a massive Anti-Money Laundering (AML) surveillance regime and turning banks into agents of the government. This regime is extremely expensive but almost completely ineffective.

What is now needed is to abolish this regime and go back to an emphasis on traditional financial privacy, and law enforcement needs to rethink its approach to money laundering. Such reforms could bring enormous gains in terms of, for example, reduced compliance costs, smaller prison populations and reduced illegal activity – as well as a much more efficient and far less costly financial system.

Indeed, one would have thought that the case for reform of the world’s least effective regulatory policy and its replacement by a renewed commitment to financial freedom and the many benefits that brings would be overwhelming.