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Chapter 1 introduces the main arguments, findings, and contributions of the book. Counterrevolution is a subject that has often been overlooked by scholars, even as counterrevolutions have been responsible for establishing some of history’s most brutal regimes, for cutting short experiments in democracy and radical change, and for perpetuating vicious cycles of conflict and instability. The chapter reveals some of the most important statistics from the book’s original dataset of counterrevolution worldwide. These statistics raise a number of puzzling questions, which motivate the theoretical argument about counterrevolutionary emergence and success. After previewing this argument, the chapter discusses the main contributions of the book, including to theories of revolution, democratization, and nonviolence; to ongoing debates about Egypt’s revolution and the failures of the 2011 Arab Spring; and to our understanding of the present-day resurgence of authoritarianism worldwide. It finishes by laying out the multi-method research strategy and providing an overview of the chapters to come.
The Bush administration’s approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was marked by unprecedented criticism of Israel’s settlement policies and a shift in US diplomatic tone. Secretary of State James Baker’s 1989 AIPAC speech, urging Israel to ‘lay aside … the unrealistic vision of a Greater Israel’, signaled a turning point in US-Israel relations. The speech drew a mixed reaction from American Jews, exposing growing divisions over Israel’s territorial policies. Some welcomed it as reaffirming longstanding US positions; others saw it as unfairly demanding Israeli concessions without matching Arab commitments. The administration’s stance intersected with broader geopolitical concerns, including Soviet Jewish immigration to Israel and US loan guarantees, complicating negotiations. This chapter explores the internal and external pressures shaping US policy during the late 1980s and early 1990s, focusing on Bush-era diplomacy, Israeli responses, and evolving dynamics within the American Jewish community. It highlights a pivotal moment in US-Israel relations and its impact on the peace process.
The 1991 Gulf War placed Israel in a unique strategic position as Iraqi missiles targeted its cities while the US urged it not to retaliate. Saddam Hussein’s goal was to fracture the US-led coalition, but Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir showed restraint at President Bush’s request. This chapter examines the US-Israel dynamic during the war, focusing on intelligence sharing, the deployment of Patriot missile batteries, and Israeli debates over military response. Despite US assurances to strike Iraqi launch sites, tensions persisted over arms sales to Arab states and Israel’s strategic concerns. The war also intensified political strain, particularly around US loan guarantees. While Israel sought help to absorb Soviet Jewish immigrants, the Bush administration tied financial support to a freeze on settlement expansion. These developments reflected broader shifts in US-Israel relations, where strategic alignment coexisted with policy disagreements. By analyzing these interactions, the chapter sheds light on how military threats, diplomacy, and aid negotiations shaped the relationship during and after the Gulf War.
When George H. W. Bush ascended to the American presidency in 1989, one of the more urgent relationships that he was faced with building was that with Israel’s Yitzhak Shamir. Drawing on newly declassified materials from American and Israeli state and non-state archives, this book reveals the complexities of a relationship defined by both deep co-operation and sharp tensions. From the peace process to loan guarantees, from military aid to emotional diplomacy, The Strained Alliance uncovers the debates, conflicts, and strategic decisions that shaped this critical period between 1989 and 1992. In doing so, David Tal challenges the traditional perception that US–Israel relations were dominated by policy disagreements, highlighting instead the broader foundation of collaboration that endured behind the scenes. Tal provides fresh insights into the intricate dynamics of diplomacy, ideology, and leadership, offering a balanced perspective on one of the most pivotal chapters in US–Israel history.
This chapter summarizes and brings together all the work conducted in the book. It offers an answer to the original question concerning what it meant to be Assyrian in the second millennium bce and how this changed over time.
This chapter develops the theory of social categories, a new theoretical framework that offers a universal prism through which to understand all social groups. The theory builds on work in social psychology and sociology.
Religious poems sung with music, the Alevi deyiş are an integral part of Alevi ritual and social life. Due to the dynamics of oral transmission, the same deyiş can be performed with all kinds of music, the words of the deyiş can change from one performance to the next, and pen names can multiply. The unique experiential function of the deyiş lies precisely in this dynamic and fluid plurality. The deyiş serve as the anchor of communal identity, linking the group to a mythico-historical past that also constitutes the hermeneutical background for making sense of the present and near past. Born from an affect that is at once personal and communal, the oral tradition of deyiş is an experience of collective and personal agency, re-created at each moment in the acts of performance and active listening. Grounded in conceptual frameworks on emotion, embodiment, and orality, the article explores the transmission of deyiş through the cases of early Republican singer–poet Âşık Veysel (d. 1973), poems by Kaygusuz Abdal (flourished late fourteenth–early fifteenth century) and Pir Sultan Abdal (flourished sixteenth century) in the compilation of Ottoman palace musician Ali Ufuki (d. 1675), and modern musical interpretations of Kaygusuz Abdal’s poem.
The 1991 Madrid Conference marked a turning point in US-Israel relations and the broader Middle East peace process. After the Gulf War, the Bush administration, led by Secretary of State James Baker, pushed for direct talks between Israel and its Arab neighbors. Co-sponsored by the US and the Soviet Union, the conference aimed to establish a peace framework based on UN Resolutions 242 and 338, emphasizing land for peace. Tensions emerged between the US and Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir, especially over Israeli settlement policy and the makeup of the Palestinian delegation. The Bush administration linked US loan guarantees for absorbing Soviet Jewish immigrants to a freeze on settlement expansion, increasing pressure on Israel. The conference also exposed divisions within the American Jewish community over US policy and its implications for Israel’s future. This chapter explores the diplomatic maneuvering before Madrid, the negotiations over participation, and the conference’s impact on US-Israel relations. It places Madrid within the broader realignment of US Middle East policy under Bush and assesses its long-term legacy.
The early years of the George H. W. Bush administration (1989-1990) marked a complex phase in US-Israel relations, shaped by political pragmatism, ideological tensions, and shifting diplomatic priorities. Although Bush did not initially appear as supportive of Israel as some predecessors, his administration maintained strong strategic ties. Friction arose over Israeli settlements, the US-PLO dialogue, and the broader peace process. Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir’s rigid ideology and mistrust of Bush’s team added further strain. Secretary of State James Baker and Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney played central roles, balancing diplomacy with strategic concerns. This study examines how political ideology, personal dynamics, and international pressures influenced policy decisions. It highlights the significance of settlement debates, evolving US views on the Palestinians, and the growing role of Christian Zionism in shaping American foreign policy. These early encounters set the tone for a turbulent yet enduring partnership.
The Introduction provides background on Iran and on the author, including the motivations for the book and the writing process. The book is based on ten years of fieldwork in Iran conducted from the 1990s until 2007; the Introduction explains how a study of the politics of daily life became the prism for inquiring into contemporary issues of power, freedom, and agency. For nonspecialist readers, an overview of Iran’s twentieth-century political and social history offers context. For all readers, the chapter offers a case study of an interpretative method, centered on the experience of watching an Iranian film in Chicago, and speaking about it with Iranian women in Tehran.
Memory, shared realities, and political possibility through the remnant traces of an art installation. The unstable documentation of several related 1990s collective arts installations, all intentionally ephemeral within the abandoned spaces of condemned buildings on the eve of their destruction, opens up questions of plural achievement, the singularity of truth, and the possible contradictions among versions of evidence. These interconnecting collective arts projects were all intended to break free of the commodified gallery space, while calling attention to the vulnerability of both culture and city to rampant financial speculation. Despite the author’s and the archive’s confusion, different versions of the Khaneh Kolangi (the “To-Be-Demolished House”) together provided a key intervention in Iranian postrevolutionary arts culture and practice. They also offer a ghostly metaphor for the ongoing potential power of collective action, individual and shared memory, and political inspiration. Luce Irigaray’s conceptualizations of a plural self and its potentials offers insight into posibilities for differently understanding power, politics, and history.