To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
In the Analytica Posteriora, Aristotle defines scientific knowledge as knowledge of the reason why. Knowing why something is the case amounts to being able to provide a scientific demonstration (apodeixis), which consists in a valid syllogistic argument in the mode Barbara (i.e., AaB, BaC, ∴ AaC). Such demonstrations typically deduce the necessity of an attribute belonging per se to a certain subject through a middle term that picks out the cause of that necessary relationship. Thus, if formalized in accordance with the recommendations of the Analytica Posteriora, causal explanations (i.e., linguistic expressions that identify the cause of some phenomenon) will constitute scientific demonstrations. However, despite the long tradition of Aristotelian scholarship on this treatise, many details concerning the precise nature and syllogistic structure of demonstration remain enigmatic, and are subject of much controversy.1
In this chapter, I aim to shed light on Aristotle's pivotal discussion of the integration of the four types of causal explanation into the syllogistic framework of demonstration in APo II.11, and specifically on his suggestions on how to formalize teleological explanations. In the first part of this chapter (sections 6.1–6.3), I shall clarify the examples Aristotle provides to illustrate his theoretical remarks about how to formalize causal explanations into the syllogistic structure of scientific demonstration. In particular, I hope to make sense of the teleological example of walking after dinner for the sake of health.
Aristotle appeals in a variety of ways to his theory of natural teleology in order to generate explanations of biological phenomena. At the most basic level, living beings are explained to have the capacities of the soul they have in virtue of those capacities being necessary for the sake of living, and in the case of the more complex and less widespread capacities, in virtue of being necessary for living well. At the more complex level, Aristotle explains that living beings – and also the heavenly bodies – have the bodily parts and features they have for the sake of exercising their vital and essential capacities, or for contributing to the performance of those vital and essential capacities, or because they serve their well-being in some other way.
What unifies these teleological explanations is that they all pick out a function or beneficial end as that for the sake of which some feature is present. In addition, the presence of this function or end is identified as the outcome of the operation of a goal-directed efficient cause (i.e., as being due to the goal-directed actions of the formal nature or soul of a natural being), where this process of coming to be either consists in the realization of a potential for form, or in nature making good use of excess materials.
In his programmatic opening to the Meteorologica (Meteor I.1, 338a20–339a10), Aristotle puts the issues discussed in De Caelo at the center of his science of nature. The study of “the stars ordered according to their upper motion” (Meteor I.1, 338a21–22), and of “the bodily elements, their number and nature, and their change into each other” (Meteor I.1, 338a22–24) is said to follow his examination of the first principles of nature and of natural change in general, but to precede his investigations of sublunary living nature. In accordance with this outline, Aristotle first – in De Caelo book I – argues for the existence of a fifth, heavenly element (i.e., aether) in addition to the familiar four sublunary, changeable ones (i.e., air, water, fire, and earth), and discusses the nature and characteristics of the universe in its entirety (i.e., its size, uniqueness, and eternity). Then, in book II, Aristotle turns to the motions and features of the heavens as a whole, of the individual planets and stars, and lastly of the Earth. Next, in book III, he focuses on the nature and motions of the four sublunary elements, saving his definitions of “weight” and “lightness” associated with these elements for book IV. By engaging with the heavenly phenomena in the first two books and only then turning to the sublunary elements, Aristotle mimics the order of exposition of Plato's Timaeus.
Aristotle's theory of natural teleology applies in particular to living natural substances: their coming to be and existence, their change and development, and many of their differentiations are the result of the goal-directed actions of their formal natures. In the following two chapters, I discuss the role of teleology in the explanations Aristotle provides of the presence, absence, and differentiations of animal parts in De Partibus Animalium.
In Chapter 4, I shall present an analysis of the structure, role, and explanatory of force of the actual explanations recorded in De Partibus Animalium books II–IV; here, in Chapter 3, I shall first outline Aristotle's theory of explanation in biology as introduced in De Partibus Animalium book I. In section 3.1, I sketch the demonstrative character of the science of biology; this will provide some background to the larger scientific context within which Aristotle's use of teleological explanations takes place. In section 3.2, I discuss the notions of teleology that Aristotle employs in his discussion of the standards for explanation in the natural sciences in De Partibus Animalium book I. My aim here is to show that there are two types of teleology underlying these explanations: a primary kind that involves formal natures realizing a preexisting potential for form through conditional necessity, and a secondary kind that involves formal natures using materials that have come to be of material necessity for something good.
Aristotle introduces his investigation of the soul in De Anima as being among the primary kinds of knowledge, on account of both its accuracy and its dealing with better and more wonderful things (DA I.1, 402a1–5). Knowledge of the soul contributes especially to natural philosophy (DA I.1, 402a6–7; cf. DA I.1, 403a27–28), because the soul is “a sort of1 principle of living beings” (DA I.1, 402a8: ἔστι γὰρ οἷον ἀρχὴ τῶν ζῴων) and living nature represents Aristotle's concept of nature in the fullest sense.2 For Aristotle, then, the study of the soul and its embodiment is the starting point of biology,3 and as such forms an important part of his broader investigation into nature.
The issues Aristotle sets out to address in De Anima are, first, the nature and essence of the soul and, second, the soul's attributes – both the ones proper to the soul and the ones living beings have in virtue of having a soul (DA I.1, 402a8–11). This program leads Aristotle, among others, into investigations of the ontological status of the soul and its parts, of the relation between the body and the soul, and of the various capacities of the soul that living beings share. In this chapter, sidestepping many of the difficulties in the interpretation of this treatise, I shall focus rather narrowly on Aristotle's bio-functional analysis of the soul, i.e.
Galen is the most important medical writer in Graeco-Roman antiquity, and also extremely valuable for understanding Graeco-Roman thought and society in the second century AD. This volume of essays locates him firmly in the intellectual life of his period, and thus aims to make better sense of the medical and philosophical 'world of knowledge' that he tries to create. How did Galen present himself as a reader and an author in comparison with other intellectuals of his day? Above all, how did he fashion himself as a medical practitioner, and how does that self-fashioning relate to the performance culture of second-century Rome? Did he see medicine as taking over some of the traditional roles of philosophy? These and other questions are freshly addressed by leading international experts on Galen and the intellectual life of the period, in a stimulating collection that combines learning with accessibility.
For more than two thousand years, almost all doctors in the West used bloodletting to treat a great variety of diseases and conditions. In an attempt to find out why they acted thus, Dr Brain has translated the three works on bloodletting by the second-century physician Galen, which provide by far the most comprehensive account of the practice in antiquity. This is the first published version of these works in a modern language. After a brief summary of Galen's medical system, the author goes on to consider the origins of Galen's ideas and methods, with particular reference to the Hippocratic writings, and the question why Galen, in common with most of the ancient physicians, believed in the efficacy of the comedy. The effects of bloodletting are considered in terms of modem physiology and medicine, and the possibility is explored that it may indeed have been beneficial in the conditions prevailing in Galen's time.
Socrates' moral psychology is widely thought to be 'intellectualist' in the sense that, for Socrates, every ethical failure to do what is best is exclusively the result of some cognitive failure to apprehend what is best. Until publication of this book, the view that, for Socrates, emotions and desires have no role to play in causing such failure went unchallenged. This book argues against the orthodox view of Socratic intellectualism and offers in its place a comprehensive alternative account that explains why Socrates believed that emotions, desires and appetites can influence human motivation and lead to error. Thomas C. Brickhouse and Nicholas D. Smith defend the study of Socrates' philosophy and offer an alternative interpretation of Socratic moral psychology. Their novel account of Socrates' conception of virtue and how it is acquired shows that Socratic moral psychology is considerably more sophisticated than scholars have supposed.
This is a 1988 philosophical introduction to Aristotle, and Professor Lear starts where Aristotle himself starts. The first sentence of the Metaphysics states that all human beings by their nature desire to know. But what is it for us to be animated by this desire in this world? What is it for a creature to have a nature; what is our human nature; what must the world be like to be intelligible; and what must we be like to understand it systematically? Through a consideration of these questions Professor Lear introduces us to the essence of Aristotle's philosophy and guides us through the central Aristotelian texts - selected from the Physics, Metaphysics, Ethics, Politics and from the biological and logical works. The book is written in a direct, lucid style which engages the reader with the themes in an active, participatory manner.
This book is a re-thinking of Aristotle's metaphysical theory of material substances. The view of the author is that the 'substances' are the living things, the organisms: chiefly, the animals. There are three main parts to the book: Part I, a treatment of the concepts of substance and nonsubstance in Aristotle's Categories; Part III, which discusses some important features of biological objects as Aristotelian substances, as analysed in Aristotle's biological treatises and the de Anima; and Part V, which attempts to relate the conception of substance as interpreted so far to that of the Metaphysics itself. The main aim of the study is to recreate in modern imagination a vivid, intuitive understanding of Aristotle's concept of material substance: a certain distinctive concept of what an individual material object is.
Archytas of Tarentum is one of the three most important philosophers in the Pythagorean tradition, a prominent mathematician, who gave the first solution to the famous problem of doubling the cube, an important music theorist, and the leader of a powerful Greek city-state. He is famous for sending a trireme to rescue Plato from the clutches of the tyrant of Syracuse, Dionysius II, in 361 BC. This 2005 study was the first extensive enquiry into Archytas' work in any language. It contains original texts, English translations and a commentary for all the fragments of his writings and for all testimonia concerning his life and work. In addition there are introductory essays on Archytas' life and writings, his philosophy, and the question of authenticity. Carl A. Huffman presents an interpretation of Archytas' significance both for the Pythagorean tradition and also for fourth-century Greek thought, including the philosophies of Plato and Aristotle.
Dr Lloyd writes for those who want to discover and explore Aristotle's work for themselves. He acts as mediator between Aristotle and the modern reader. The book is divided into two parts. The first tells the story of Aristotle's intellectual development as far as it can be reconstructed; the second presents the fundamentals of his thought in the main fields of inquiry which interested him: logic and metaphysics, physics, psychology, ethics, politics, and literary criticism. The final chapter considers the unity and coherence of Aristotle's philosophy, and records briefly his later influence on European thought. This is a concise and lucid account of the work of a difficult and profound thinker. Dr Lloyd's business is only with the essentials; but he does not shirk the difficulties which arise in their interpretation, nor does he invest Aristotle with a spurious modernity.
This is the first comprehensive study for nearly 200 years of what remains of the writings of the Presocratic philosopher Philolaus of Croton (c. 470–385 BC). These fragments are crucial to our understanding of one of the most influential schools of ancient philosophy, the Pythagoreans; they also show close ties with the main lines of development of Presocratic thought, and represent a significant response to thinkers such as Parmenides and Anaxagoras. Professor Huffman presents the fragments and testimonia (including the spurious fragments in a separate section for reference) with accompanying translations and introductory chapters and interpretive commentary. He not only produces further argument for the authenticity of much that used to be neglected, but also undertakes a critique of Aristotle's testimony, opening the way for a quite new reading of fifth-century Pythagoreanism in general and of Philolaus in particular. Philolaus is revealed as a serious natural philosopher.
If, however, it was speech that persuaded her and deceived her soul, it is not difficult to defend her against this too and acquit her of the charge, in the following way. Speech is a powerful master, which accomplishes most divine deeds in the most diminutive and imperceptible body. For it can put an end to fear, take away sorrow, incite joy and augment pity. I will demonstrate that this is so.
Indeed, a demonstration for the listeners that would form their opinion is in order. I consider and call every sort of poetry ‘speech with metre’. Those who listen to it shudder with great fear, and are seized by tearful pity and mournful longing; the soul experiences something personal, through these words, on account of the good or ill fortunes that befall the affairs and bodies of others. But it is time to turn from one point to another.
Through words, inspired incantations bring pleasure and drive away pain. For the power of the incantation, working together with the soul's power of judgement, enchants, persuades and converts it by witchcraft. We know of twin arts, witchcraft and magic, that mislead the soul and deceive the judgement.
So many people have persuaded or do persuade so many others on so many subjects by composing false discourse! Now if everybody had the memory of all past things, awareness of all present things, and foreknowledge of all future things, the same words would not have the same power.
socrates: This ability of yours to talk well about Homer, which I spoke of just now, is not a skill but a divine force which moves you. It is like the force in the stone which Euripides called Magnesian, but which most people call Heraclean. For indeed this stone not only attracts iron rings themselves but also passes its force on to the rings so that they in their turn can do the same as the stone and attract other rings. Sometimes there is a very long chain of rings and bits of iron, all attached to each other; the force which links them all together comes from that stone. In just this way the Muse herself makes people inspired, and they in turn inspire others, forming a chain of inspiration. For all the good epic poets recite all these fine poems not through skill but because they are inspired. The same goes for the good lyric poets: just as those who celebrate the Corybantic rites are not in their right minds when they dance, so too the lyric poets are not in their right minds when they compose these fine poems; whenever they embark on harmony and rhythm, they act like Bacchants and are possessed. Just as Bacchants, when possessed, draw honey and milk from rivers and are not in their right minds, so the lyric poets' soul does this too, as they themselves say.