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Rome's calendar often falls into the background in studies of republican political, legal, and religious practices. Its relationship to celestial phenomena is usually unexamined and modernizing assumptions are made about its regularity of operations and the advantages of Caesar's reform. In this book, Daniel Gargola clarifies its relationship to celestial phenomena and reveals the extent to which celestial references permeated public cult; he also demonstrates that the competent authorities often intervened in its operations in order to accommodate other concerns. The calendar also provided the temporal framework for the regulation of public and cultic activities and thus had a central role in Roman law. Roman writers attempted to bring clarity to the norms involving the calendar, and their efforts have often influenced modern attempts to study it. Nevertheless, the complexity of public and cultic life undermined these attempts and Romans always had to navigate between competing norms.
Naming new discoveries is central to science, and for centuries, Latin dominated this process. The resulting terminology still shapes modern science, yet the influences behind its creation have remained largely unexplored. This is the first comprehensive exploration of how modern scientific terminology took shape during the early modern period. Far from being the product of individual scientists or institutions, the development of this terminology emerged over several centuries, involving a remarkably diverse range of contributors. In particular, the process was often influenced by factors unrelated to science itself – such as the appeal of certain linguistic forms or even sheer coincidence – revealing the unexpected and sometimes arbitrary forces behind the creation of technical terms.
This article discusses the characterization of a shell as labyrinthine in Theodoridas, Anth. Pal. 6.224 (= 3524–9 Gow–Page, HE). It contextualizes the description in relation to a myth about Daedalus on Sicily, Theodoridas’ probable homeland. It then reappraises the implications of the phrase for the aesthetics of the epigram.
Commentators on the younger Pliny’s obituary of Silius Italicus (Ep. 3.7) have often remarked its chilly and emotionally distant tone. This article argues that Pliny’s stance towards Silius is more subtly antagonistic than has generally been realised. To that end, it explores various stratagems whereby Pliny strives to diminish Silius’ standing as politician and man of letters. Most important, Pliny problematises Silius’ suicide. He does so in two ways. The first is the terminological nebulousness of the clauus which, we are informed by Pliny, was the cause of Silius’ suicide. Perusal of Greek and Roman medical texts establishes that clauus can refer to a whole range of afflictions, some serious, others not, so that, in the absence of further clinical detail, it is difficult to determine whether the suicide was justified or not – especially since Pliny also lists a number of contingent circumstances which might have acted as a brake on Silius’ intention of killing himself. The second is to cast doubt on the philosophical, civic and familial validity of Silius’ suicide. All this stands in profound contrast to the expansive and highly apologist account of the suicide of Corellius Rufus (Ep. 1.12) which, in the article’s conclusion, is mined for the political implications to be drawn from it in relation both to Corellius and to Pliny himself.
Building on the largest sample of Archaic to Hellenistic burials from Macedon synthesized to date, this work provides new insight into the society that gave birth to Philip II and Alexander the Great. An intersectional focus on gender, age, and status reveals the lives of Macedonians only rarely discussed, from non-elite men to women and children. Through quantitative analysis and case-studies, the reader gets a view of the complexity and nuance of a society sometimes reduced to mighty warriors and fierce royal women. Change over time is also discussed, introducing depth into the historical narrative that is largely limited to the Late Classical and Hellenistic periods. Finally, the book addresses the promise and challenges of applying intersectionality, a framework that is immensely fruitful but which was developed for contemporary contexts, to archaeological contexts.
This book looks at a contemporary concept - toxic masculinity - and considers its usefulness for understanding the ancient Mediterranean world. By concentrating on the particular elements that make up this form of masculine behaviour and identity, briefly defined as a performance of masculinity that is harmful to people who should be protected, to one's community, or to oneself, we illuminate tensions and contradictions within Greek and Roman conceptions of gender, while tracing some origins of modern gender roles. This book also highlights the ways that texts and events from the ancient world are invoked in the construction of toxic masculinity today. Covering Athenian oratory and drama, Roman poetry and history, curse tablets, early Christian writing, Italian cinema, US politics, and more, this collection brings together the ancient and modern to ask what shapes a culture's understanding of masculinity and how to identify the aspects of that understanding that can cause harm.
This Element concerns Hegel's engagement with Spinoza's metaphysics, and divides into three main parts. The first enlists help from Hegel's interpretation to introduce and defend philosophical strengths in Spinoza's defense of metaphysical monism. The second defends Hegel's criticism of Spinoza, concluding that Spinoza's philosophy must eliminate all finitude and determinacy, leaving only a shapeless abyss. The third employs these defenses to open up an approach to the philosophical interpretation of Hegel's Logic, the core of his philosophical system, understanding the meaning of Hegel's ambitious claims in terms of reasons that make them more than the mere unpacking of assumptions.
Since the setting for Antoninus Liberalis, Metamorphoses 4 has been misinterpreted by commentators and historians, a review of the evidence for the toponym Dryopis is warranted. The narrative logic of the account demands that it be set in Ambracia, but most have interpreted Dryopis as the area near Mt Oeta. A close review of the first lines show that Antoninus’ account is indeed set in Ambracia, which was also called Dryopis.