To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
The shortcomings of paymaster accountability measures and the flaws in the crown's implementation of them created a vacuum in which the trésoriers were able to advance their personal interests at the expense of the navy. Assessing the scale of misappropriation that occurred in the naval treasury under Louis XIV is a difficult task since most of the trésoriers’ improper activities escaped the crown's immediate attention and ministers privileged the effective execution of the war effort over potentially costly meddling in the trésoriers’ financial affairs. Nonetheless, there were suggestions of misconduct by the paymasters as the naval administration went through its various accounts: the trésoriers were cautioned for moving funds without the naval minister's consent; there was suspicion that the lack of receipts from the trésoriers’ commis was not always caused by the naval intendants and ordonnateurs failing to provide them on time; and the routine complications that administrators encountered in ascertaining the navy's extraordinary income in the ports suggest that the trésoriers, who acted as primary revenue receivers in this regard, misspent the funds.
The navy's trésoriers were typically punished for misappropriating funds only when the crown was not preoccupied with the overriding demands of meeting wartime expenditure. The periodic fiscal enquiries were initiated by the crown to punish financiers for misconduct and fraudulent activity, although some of the most important individuals who had bankrolled the crown in war escaped scrutiny, and the proceedings could be used by its instigators as a means of displacing established financial arrangements with their own client networks, as Jean-Baptiste Colbert successfully achieved through the Chambre de justice of 1661–65. During the Chambre de justice that was opened in 1661, and which investigated fiscal wrongdoing in the period between 1635 and 1661, the financial affairs of the navy's trésoriers were scrutinised, alongside those of other major comptables and traitants. In particular, Claude and Georges Pellissary, the brothers who dominated the naval treasury between 1648 and 1676, faced a total tax charge of 220,000 l., although this was later reduced by 100,000 l. Equally, following Louis XIV's reign, the Chambre de justice of 1716–17 imposed substantial financial penalties reaching almost 2.7 million l. on the naval and galley fleet trésoriers that it investigated, although only 1.5 million l. was ultimately recovered after several reductions in fines were granted.
There are two fundamentally important organisational expedients that Cardinal Richelieu pursued in the 1620s and 1630s which had long-term implications for the functioning of the naval treasury. First of all, as the self-styled grand maître, chef, et surintendant général de la navigation et du commerce de France, Richelieu established the principle of depending on a single trésorier. In order to expand Richelieu's control over the navy at the expense of local admiralties, and to rein in the independence of individual trésoriers, power was concentrated in favoured individuals in the naval treasury and efforts were made to accommodate their personal interests and ambitions. In 1628, the navy's need for reliable funding prompted Richelieu to allow François Le Conte, already a trésorier of the Extraordinaire des Guerres, to exercise de facto responsibility for funding the navy. Le Conte would eventually formally occupy all three offices of trésorier de la Marine du Ponant. The decision to rely on a single yet financially robust trésorier enabled the navy to handle unprecedented expenses of 4 million l. in 1628, which principally resulted from the blockade of the Huguenot stronghold at La Rochelle between December 1627 and November 1628. The extent to which Richelieu was willing to circumvent formal procedures in the service of the navy's interests was clear when the start of open conflict with Spain in 1635 caused the government to rush the closure of the navy's open and unfinished exercices. Scrutiny of Le Conte's états au vrai of 1631 to 1634 revealed pervasive levels of financial misappropriation, particularly at Brest, but the navy urgently needed its debts to be settled since naval preparations were required to respond to the Spanish capture of the Lérins islands off Cannes in September 1635, and to the subsequent threat posed by the enemy fleet to Toulon and Marseille. In response, Richelieu manipulated Le Conte's états au vrai to ensure that they would pass unobstructed through the Chambre des comptes of Paris, thus enabling the trésorier to focus on the navy's forthcoming financial needs. Through a strengthened Conseil de la marine, which began to oversee the activities of the trésoriers, Richelieu was therefore able to exert greater control over the naval treasury and to formalise its organisation according to his interests.
In disbursing money for the navy and acting as a short-term funding recourse, the trésoriers incurred regular and extraordinary expenses which exposed them to many personal risks. As Table 1 below shows, over the course of a particular exercice, or financial year, the trésoriers faced a series of basic structural costs in remitting funds throughout France. The most prominent of these ordinary expenses was the remuneration, or appointements, of the commis employed by the trésoriers to execute payments in the ports and other localities. As the establishment and management of this network of private agents rested exclusively with the trésoriers, it was the trésoriers’ responsibility to pay the salaries of the commis working under them. However, the precise cost of hiring an individual commis for the duration of an exercice remains difficult to determine as the commis operated in relative obscurity. The total expense for which the trésoriers were personally liable was contingent on the proposed size of the naval budget and the projected scale of naval activity, which had a direct bearing on the number of commis that the trésoriers needed to help them make remittances. In the 1690s and 1700s, when the trésoriers’ private network reached its greatest extent, the trésoriers had to pay 197,500 l. in appointements to their agents in France and overseas over the course of an exercice. While the fact that the trésorier was responsible for salary payments to the commis might suggest that he exerted a degree of control over his agents, the opportunities offered by profiting from the provision of short-term loans and advances in the ports far outweighed the regular salary offered by the trésorier.
Aside from salary expenses, the trésoriers accumulated courier fees from the transmission of letters and packets between the trésoriers’ bureaus in Paris and the commis in the ports, as well as from correspondence with government ministers, local naval administrators, creditors, and major suppliers. By the 1700s, the trésoriers were paying an estimated 10,000 l. per exercice to the ferme générale des postes (the tax contractors that collected duties on post) through either the directors of the postal bureau or the tax contractors in Paris where the ferme directly administered the postal system.
The scope of Louis XIV's naval ambitions expanded significantly following the accession of Philip, duc d’Anjou and the king's grandson, to the Spanish throne in November 1700. With the Spanish empire stretching from the Spanish Netherlands, Milan, Naples, and Sicily to colonies in the Americas and east Asia, the Spanish inheritance vastly increased the French crown's territorial liabilities. In addition, years of under-investment in the Spanish navy had left it in a diminished state, and the French navy was therefore the only viable means by which Bourbon Spain could secure its possessions in Europe and its global trading and colonial network.
The reordering of the relationship between France and Spain therefore prompted an important shift in French naval policy. Under Jérôme Phélypeaux, Louis de Pontchartrain's son and successor as naval minister in September 1699, the focus on building up offensive naval firepower gave way to a type of defensive warfare that prioritised the protection of communication lines, particularly to Italy and the Americas, and sought to deny lucrative trade routes to the English and Dutch. When the Grand Alliance between England, the Netherlands, and the Holy Roman Emperor was reconstituted in 1701 to dispute Louis XIV's inheritance of the Spanish empire, the ensuing global conflict committed the French navy to multiple, simultaneous operations across the Mediterranean and in the Americas. Yet, as this chapter examines, the wide-ranging nature of these strategic commitments imposed a severe strain on the French navy from the outset of the war and contributed to its collapse.
In the western Mediterranean, the need to maintain the Habsburg position in Italy required a series of small-scale but strategically important naval operations throughout the war. When the French under René de Froulay, comte de Tessé, moved to secure their interests in the duchy of Milan in January to March 1701, twelve warships and three cargo vessels under the command of André, marquis de Nesmond, transported over 12,000 troops and their equipment and munitions from Toulon, Monaco, and Antibes to Finale and other neighbouring ports. French warships in the Adriatic were also essential in frustrating Imperial attempts to reinforce Austrian troops in the duchy of Milan, with the comte de Forbin successfully disrupting supply lines originating in Trieste and Fiume (now Rijeka, Croatia) with a small naval squadron in 1702.
In Bolivia, expectations for a decolonised society turned into a political crisis in the autumn of 2019. Discussing the limitations of progressive politics in cultivating democracy, this article identifies three narratives of authoritarianism – liberal democratic, developmentalist and colonial – which the opponents of Evo Morales use to frame their disillusionment with his rule. It argues that these multiple narratives lend meaning to contradictory experiences in a context in which hopes for a major decolonising state-transformation process have devolved into a deep polarisation of Bolivian society. The events in Bolivia are discussed in the context of rising authoritarianism throughout Latin America.
Cave carbonate mineral deposits (speleothems) contain trace elements that are intensively investigated for their significance as palaeoclimate and environmental proxies. However, chlorine, which is abundant in marine and meteoric waters, has been overlooked as a potential palaeo-proxy, while cosmogenic 36Cl could, in principle, provide a solar irradiance proxy. Here, total Cl concentrations analysed from various speleothems were low (3–14 mg/kg), with variations linked to crystal fabrics. High-resolution synchrotron radiation micro X-ray fluorescence (μ-XRF) trace element mapping showed Cl often associated with Na, Si, and Al. We propose that speleothems incorporate Cl in two fractions: (1) water soluble (e.g., fluid inclusions) and (2) water insoluble and strongly bound (e.g., associated with detrital particulates). However, disparities indicated that alternate unidentified mechanisms for Cl incorporation were present, raising important questions regarding incorporation of many trace elements into speleothems. Our first measurements of 36Cl/Cl ratios in speleothems required large samples due to low Cl concentrations, limiting the potential of 36Cl as a solar irradiance proxy. Critically, our findings highlight a knowledge gap into how Cl and other trace elements are incorporated into speleothems, how the incorporation mechanisms and final elemental concentrations are related to speleothem fabrics, and the significance this may have for how trace elements in speleothems are interpreted as palaeoclimate proxies.
Although black soil in northeast China undergoes severe erosion, the contribution of parent materials, mainly Quaternary loess and non-loess sediments, to soil erodibility remains unclear. Considering the inheritance of ferromagnetic materials by parent materials, changes in magnetic parameters can successfully determine soil erodibility on a regional scale with a close climatic background. Here, we analysed the magnetic indicators of 142 samples from the black soil horizon formed on loess and non-loess sediments, covering areas of severe and slight erosion in the region to determine the effects of parent materials on the erodibility of black soil in northeast China. Both low-frequency magnetic susceptibility and frequency magnetic susceptibility (χfd) were proportional to the decrease in erosion rate due to erosion-induced leaching of ferromagnetic materials, and the change in χfd was narrow for black soil with loess parent materials, corresponding to relatively low soil erodibility. Compared with loess, the addition of soil organic matter could stabilise soils against erosion, thereby inducing a decrease in the erodibility of black soil formed on loess. Additionally, sustainable soil management policies to protect black soil from further erosion are necessary and urgent under the pressure of maintaining high grain yields and preventing erosion in northeast China.
Carbon isotope analysis of pedogenic carbonate (δ13CCarb) and soil organic matter (δ13CTOC) is widely applied in reconstructions of terrestrial paleovegetation. The δ13C of different archives is considered well matched and equally reflects the proportion of C3/C4 plant biomass covering the soil profile. However, modern soil and paleosol sequences provide substantial evidence that δ13CCarb and δ13CTOC do not always match, raising doubts about the accuracy of quantitative C4 plant reconstructions. Here we report paired δ13C records of pedogenic carbonates and organic matter occluded within carbonate nodules from the Shaozhai section in the central Chinese Loess Plateau (CLP). The δ13CCarb record exhibits a positive anomaly and exceeds the theoretical fractionation range with the coexisting δ13CTOC record during the expansion of C4 plants. The possibility of contamination by detrital carbonates and atmospheric CO2 affecting δ13CCarb was ruled out based on the morphological features, mineral fractions, and geochemical composition of carbonate nodules. Our study suggests that the enhanced respiration of C4 plants during pedogenic carbonate precipitation may have caused positive shifts in δ13CCarb records, supporting the hypothesis that the discrepancy in carbon sources explains the δ13CCarb positive anomaly. Thus, the δ13CCarb could reflect the maximum relative abundance of C4 plants during their metabolic peaks.
Dealing with Peace: The Guatemalan Campesino Movement and the Post-Conflict Neoliberal State. By Simon Granovsky-Larsen. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2019. Pp. viii + 275. $70.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9781487501433.
Ladina Social Activism in Guatemala City, 1871–1954. By Patricia Harms. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico, 2020. Pp. xii + 409. $75.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780826361455.
Religious Transformation in Maya Guatemala: Cultural Collapse and Christian Pentecostal Revitalization. Edited by John P. Hawkins. Santa Fe, NM: School for Advanced Research, 2021. Pp. xxv + 448. $65.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780826362254.
Human and Environmental Justice in Guatemala. Edited by Stephen Henighan and Candace Johnson. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2018. Pp. v + 263. $36.95 paper. ISBN: 9781487522971.
Guatemala’s Catholic Revolution: A History of Religious and Social Reform, 1920–1968. By Bonar L. Hernández Sandoval. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2018. Pp. xiv + 254. $50.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780268104412.
Cuando el indio tomó las armas: La vida de Emeterio Toj Medrano. By Emeterio Toj Medrano and Rodrigo Véliz Estrada. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 2021. Pp. 504. $354.00 paper. ISBN: 9786073043175.
How do mothers deal with chronic violence and the constant presence of guns in their neighborhoods? How do they build situated meaning and discursive practices out of their experiences and relationships with armed actors? We compare the experiences of women in two poor and working-class neighborhoods in Caracas. Through this comparative ethnographic project, we aim to show how, in the midst of state-sponsored depredation and with an overwhelming presence of guns in their lives, women use their cultural roles as mothers to perform everyday forms of resistance vis-à-vis the different armed actors that impose their presence in the barrios. In the mothers’ daily struggles, dramatic discursive actions—from more openly oppositional ones, such as shouting, scolding, and talking, to more hidden ones, such as both “circulating gossip” and “captive gossip,” to more vulnerable ones, such as whispering—are main resources in the micropolitics of their neighborhoods. Our findings suggest that strategies are context dependent and most likely vary according to numerous factors, including the history of civic organizing, policing practices, and the type of armed actor with whom they cohabitate in their neighborhood.
A partir de las series fotográficas Padre Patria (2014–2019) y Vírgenes de la Puerta (2014–2016), de Juan José Barboza-Gubo y Andrew Mroczek, este ensayo reflexiona acerca de la identidad de las mujeres trans en el Perú desde la sexualidad, el mestizaje y la colonialidad del poder. Padre Patria ofrece una narrativa visual de los crímenes de odio hacia la comunidad LGBTI en diferentes lugares del país. En Vírgenes de la Puerta se propone un nuevo modelo de feminidad a través de la apropiación de íconos religiosos como la Virgen María. A partir de enfoques decoloniales, feministas, de diversidad sexual y biopoder, este trabajo indaga sobre la reformulación del retrato fotográfico de las mujeres trans a través de la estética mariana y la violencia patriarcal. La dimensión política de este proyecto fotográfico busca visibilizar las experiencias de las mujeres trans en la actualidad.
A pesar de su abarcadora influencia, La ciudad letrada de Ángel Rama (1984) ha sido sometida en los últimos años a una intensa crítica que ha cuestionado la relación demasiado unívoca que el argumento planteaba entre escritura y poder, así como su exclusión de las formas de alfabetización indígena, mestiza y afrodescendiente. El presente trabajo parte de estos debates para, revisando la obra crítica y los epistolarios de Rama, ofrecer una nueva genealogía intelectual del concepto que daba título al libro póstumo. En particular, se rescata el ensayo de 1980 donde Rama se refirió por primera vez a la ciudad letrada, titulado “La señal de Jonás sobre el pueblo mexicano”. La relectura del libro en diálogo con este trabajo previo nos permitirá ver que la idea de ciudad letrada no aspiraba a describir la totalidad de la realidad cultural de la América colonial, sino uno de los polos que la tensionan, uno de los lados de un conflicto cultural. “La señal de Jonás” ofrece una visión significativamente diferente de la ciudad colonial, donde la fuerza cultural de una plebe urbana y multirracial desafía los muros de la ciudad letrada y alcanza a penetrar la práctica intelectual de algunos de sus guardianes. Frente al pesimismo de La ciudad letrada, late en “La señal de Jonás” un utopismo similar al de Transculturación narrativa en América Latina respecto a las potencialidades políticas y estéticas de esa cultura urbana popular de raigambre colonial.
This article explores the spatial politics of Peru’s gastronomic revolution and corresponding efforts to territorialize Peruvian agricultural products by tracing the spatial dynamics of quinoa’s trajectory from highland dietary staple to coveted national food. Efforts to codify Peru’s national cuisine have involved mapping ingredients and dishes onto specific regions while dramatically reshaping agricultural production geographies and culinary topographies. Because of quinoa’s success as a high-value export crop, the Peruvian altiplano is no longer perceived as a landscape useful exclusively for livestock pasture and mining. Instead, it is imagined as agriculturally productive: the country’s quinoa heartland. At the same time, quinoa’s trajectory illuminates spatial contradictions in the gastronomic boom’s purported objectives and its tangible effects. The revalorization of quinoa led to a geographical expansion of its production outside the high Andes, undermining the spatially bound concepts of authenticity promoted by gastronomic leaders in Peru. Broadly, efforts to commercialize marginalized food products and their corresponding regions can at once reconfigure territorial discourses in important ways, reinforce long-standing geographical inequalities, and generate contestations of the geographic imaginaries of food and nation.
Diverse elements have driven inflation in the Cuban economy in the early 2020s, but the big-bang devaluation of the peso in 2021—the key measure that unlocks monetary reform—stands out as the main determinant. Analysis indicates that the inflation rate ranged between 174% and 700%, well above the government’s 2021 consumer price index estimate (77%) and closer to the deflator of household consumption derived from the national income accounts (442%). Even with this larger inflation, there is room for a real depreciation of the peso in the short term. The relative rise of tradable goods prices and incomplete pass-through from the exchange rate to inflation create new incentives and enhance financial transparency in the short term. However, the absence of sufficient structural reforms, the complex macroeconomic scenario, and the persistence of high fiscal deficit, inflation, and devaluation of the peso in the informal market after 2021 put most of the potential benefits of the monetary reform at risk. Monetary instability is a deep, continuing problem.
Since the end of the nineteenth century, the Alzate family, of Medellín, Colombia, grasped the magnetism of the Natural Man (a malleable myth with porous edges that combines both the Edenic and the cannibalistic visions of indigenous peoples) and its economic potential and orchestrated a family craft business of fake pre-Columbian pottery. They created pieces that would engage in dialogue with collectors’, anthropologists’, museums’, and tourists’ desires and imaginaries, as well as authenticity criteria, about indigenous pre-Columbian peoples. This article shows the relationship between these forgeries’ production, circulation, and consumption and the ways Latin American indigenous peoples have been conceived of by others. Moreover, this research stresses how authentic fakes, together with official and popular discourses and images, certain exhibition and validation rhetorics, and other mises-en-scène construct what is sacralized as uncontaminated, original, and traditional. Such fakes operate politically by undermining social hierarchies linked to essentialized race and identity.
Este artículo analiza la propuesta teórica del posjudaísmo articulada por el proyecto YOK en respuesta a la crisis del judaísmo institucionalizado en Buenos Aires, Argentina. Contrario a cualquier forma de pensar lo judío en términos tradicionales y normativos, el proyecto posjudío se planteó como una deconstrucción capaz de derribar los muros del judaísmo tradicional y, con el mismo movimiento, dar voz a aquellos judíos que no encuentran acomodo en las infraestructuras institucionales de la comunidad. Nuestra hipótesis es que su arquitectura conceptual, cuyo objetivo es conseguir la total liberación de las formas identitarias judías, termina legitimando una nueva servidumbre, esta es: la adaptación de lo identitario a la fluidez del mercado. Para demostrarlo, me detendré en reflexionar sobre cómo el posjudaísmo repiensa, desde el andamiaje de las filosofías posmodernas, la comunidad tradicional con el fin de proponer un judaísmo en las antípodas de este, un judaísmo basado en un trabajo de autocreación incesante que apele a lo plural, a lo abierto y a lo emancipado de toda norma y de todo dogma. Esto me permitirá demostrar cómo la autocreación es fruto de las dinámicas posmodernas de transformación de la subjetividad cimentadas sobre la emoción y la individualidad creadora.
This study reconstructs remittances from different regional haciendas to the main treasury of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, located in Buenos Aires, between 1800 and 1810. It estimates the extent and periodization of the decline of the situado of Potosí during the last colonial decade, determining whether the contributions from regional treasuries made up for it. It also estimates the impact of transfers on the regional treasuries. By drawing on the accounting books of various treasuries, the article identifies the main mechanisms that the Royal Treasury of Buenos Aires implemented to seize surplus resources of the viceroyalty’s interior haciendas at the end of the colonial period. The ability of the Royal Treasury to seize those surpluses was significant and implemented through various mechanisms of the ancien régime.