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The introduction considers the four eras in the study of African American history identified by John Hope Franklin. In the first period, 1882-1909, research was dominated by amateur scholars or prominent African Americans, such as George Washington Williams or Booker T. Washington. The second era, from 1909 to the mid-1930s, was marked by a growing professionalization in the study of African American history. It was dominated by two individuals, W. E. B. Du Bois and Carter Woodson. Widely regarded as the ‘father of African American history’, Woodson trained a new generation of historians and founded the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History (ASNLH) and the Journal of Negro History. White historians either showed no interest in the experiences of African Americans, such as the historian of antebellum slavery Ulrich B. Phillips, or, as in the Dunning School of historians, held negative, stereotyped, perceptions of them that reflected the conservative racial attitudes of most white Americans of the day. The third era, from the 1930s through to the end of the 1960s, saw the emergence of a new generation of black historians, such as John Hope Franklin, and growing interest in African American history by some white scholars, like Herbert Aptheker and August Meier. In the fourth era since 1970, African American history enjoyed mainstream recognition within the historical profession. It saw the emergence of a new generation of black women historians, who drew attention to the hitherto neglected contribution of women activists to the African American freedom struggle.
This chapter looks at early white liberal and biracial opposition to racial injustice and segregation as reflected in the work of organizations like the Association of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching (ASWPL), the Commission on Inter-Racial Cooperation (CIC), the Southern Conference for Human Welfare (SCHW) and the NAACP. There is an examination of the historiography on the Father Divine movement, and grassroots protests against Jim Crow-ism in working-class black communities, as highlighted by historians like Robin D. J. Kelley. The experiences of black workers in the labour movement are assessed together with the civil rights activism of the African American labour leader Asa Philip Randolph and his Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters (BSCP) trade union. The contribution made by communist activists, the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA) and the Communist-dominated National Negro Congress (NNC) is likewise considered. In respect to mainstream national politics there is an evaluation of the civil-rights record of Franklin D. Roosevelt, the impact of the Great Depression and the extent to which New Deal agencies, like the Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA), National Reiy Administration (NRA) and Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), mitigated or exacerbated the hardships experienced by African Americans. The significance of Gunnar Myrdal’s influential 1944 study An American Dilemma is also discussed. The chapter concludes with an analysis of developments during the Second World War and the ongoing historiographical debate on the ways in which the conflict both helped and hindered the African American freedom struggle.
This chapter provides an overview of the historiography on developments in race relations from 1980 to 2008 and the extent to which the period highlighted the successes and failures of the postwar civil rights movement. It assesses the scholarly literature on Jesse Jackson, his two presidential campaigns of the 1980s and Louis Farrakhan, leader of the Nation of Islam. There is analysis of the political ideologies and policies of the Reagan, George H. W. Bush, Clinton and George W. Bush administrations on race relations and specific challenges they faced, such as the HIV/AIDs epidemic and the devastation wrought by Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans. Wider developments in African American politics are considered, including the formation of the Congressional Black Caucus, the rise of big-city black mayors, the problems of the inner cities and ‘white flight’ to the suburbs. The controversial views of conservative black sociologist William Julius Wilson in The Declining Significance of Race (1978) and The Truly Disadvantaged (1987) are examined in the context of the continuing social and economic inequalities experienced by African Americans. There is discussion of changes in the pattern of race relations and popular culture, including Rap and Hip Hop, the turbulent career of world heavyweight boxing champion, Mike Tyson, television and Hollywood film. The growth of extremist militia groups and white supremacist networks is considered as a precursor to subsequent events during the Obama and Trump administrations and as a catalyst for the growth of interest by historians in far-right movements of earlier decades.
The COVID-19 pandemic exposed the fragility and adaptability of democratic orders. While confinement accelerated cross-border ‘tele-life’, rights and protections remained territorially locked. This essay argues that democracy need not be tied to the Westphalian state: it can be re-imagined as unterritorial democracy – voluntary, overlapping and portable communities of belonging. Building on panarchist thought, Austro-Marxist proposals for non-territorial autonomy and Jewish Bundist experiments with cultural self-rule, I advance a model of pan-citizenship and polycentric governance in which rights and representation follow persons rather than places. The contribution is threefold: (1) a genealogy that situates unterritorial democracy within longer traditions of political imagination; (2) analytical criteria – membership portability, competence clarity, equity and accountability – that render such institutions evaluable; and (3) contemporary proto-examples – from diaspora voting to indigenous electoral registers – showing that elements of unterritorial democracy already exist. By integrating historical, analytical and empirical strands – and by engaging debates on emergency powers and derogations of rights – the essay positions unterritorial democracy as a normative horizon for global constitutionalism, inviting person-linked indicators capable of capturing democratic belonging within a framework of multiterritorial pluralism. In this way, the essay contributes to both the normative debates and the methodological agenda of global constitutionalism.
This chapter analyses the historiography on the life and career of Martin Luther King and the ’big five’ civil-rights organizations, the NAACP, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the National Urban League (NUL). Studies on the civil rights movement at local level, north and south, are also considered as is the contribution of women activists. It assesses the civil rights records of the presidential administrations of Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson together with the impact of the US Supreme Court’s ruling in Brown v. Board of Education (1954) and the southern ‘Massive Resistance’ and efforts by white segregationists to oppose desegregation and other advances made by the civil rights movement. The role of the Catholic and Protestant churches and Judaism is examined, and the ways in which religious faith both challenged and reinforced the views of participants on both sides of the civil rights struggle. The civil rights movement is discussed in a wider international context, including the ways in which it was influenced by the onset and development of the Cold War and the postwar move towards decolonization in the global south and the foreign policy challenges this presented for successive presidential administrations. The relationship between the civil rights movement and popular culture is also considered, both in terms of how it was reflected in developments in radio, film, television and the print media, and the significance of this for the movement.
This chapter examines the historiography on the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s and the causes and consequences of the ‘Great Migration’ of African Americans from the southern states to cities of the north, like New York, Chicago and Detroit, between 1915 and 1925. It considers the formation and early work of the National Urban League (NUL) and the NAACP, and the contribution of leading figures within the Association including W. E. B. Du Bois, James Weldon Johnson, Mary White Ovington and Walter White. Their published memoirs and reminiscences provide case studies to highlight the strengths and weaknesses of autobiography as primary source material. The racial policies of the presidential administrations of Woodrow Wilson, 1913–21, are discussed together with the impact of the First World War and prewar and wartime race riots on the lives of African Americans and US race relations. In the postwar era attention focuses on the rise of Marcus Garvey and his Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), including the role of women in the organization, UNIA activists at local level, and the Garvey movement outside the United States, most notably in Africa and the Caribbean. There is also an analysis of the contribution made by West Indian immigrants to African American life and society. In respect to cultural developments there is discussion of the origins, nature and significance of the Harlem Renaissance, or New Negro Movement, of the 1920s and the extent to which it can be seen as a form of resistance to racism and colonialism.
This chapter examines the extensive, wide-ranging, developments in the historiography on black power and black nationalism since the publication of the first edition of The debate on black civil rights in America in 2006. The growth and development of the Nation of Islam (NOI), or Black Muslim movement, is assessed together with its impact on African American communities in the inner cities of the north. Recent works on Elijah Muhammad, the leader or ‘Messenger’ of the Nation, are considered, together with the role of women in the organization and the reasons for their conversion to it, notwithstanding the paternalistic outlook of the NOI. The historiography on the life and career of Malcolm X, the Nation’s best-known national spokesperson, is examined, together with the reasons for his departure from the NOI and his enduring significance as a race leader some sixty years after his assassination in 1965. The growth of the black power movement in the late 1960s, its successes and failures, and the reasons for its rapid decline by the early 1970s, are considered. Particular attention is given to the proliferation of recent studies on the grassroots achievements of the Black Panthers, challenging earlier negative portrayals. The life and career of Stokely Carmichael, arguably the most influential advocate for black power, is discussed, as well as scholarly debates on the historical roots of armed self-defence and the extent to which black power should be seen as a continuation of, or departure from, the values of the mainstream civil rights movement.
A key finding to emerge from the ongoing work of the special rapporteur of the International Law Commission (ILC or Commission) on subsidiary means for the determination of rules of international law1 concerns the systemic lack of diversity in the use of teachings.2 This finding carries important implications for the legitimacy of using subsidiary means, particularly regarding whose voices are privileged or silenced in legal determination.3 The special rapporteur noted that international courts such as the International Court of Justice (ICJ) had used teachings from a remarkably narrow cohort of predominantly Western, male voices from elite institutions—perspectives that inevitably reflect a limited range of viewpoints and cultural contexts.
This chapter examines the longstanding historiographical debate on the life and career of Booker T. Washington, the internationally renowned educator and best-known spokesperson for African Americans within the United States from 1895 to 1915. Washington’s critics within the black community are similarly discussed, including Timothy Thomas Fortune and the National Afro-American Council, William Monroe Trotter, W. E. B. Du Bois, the Niagara Movement and the formation of the biracial National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in 1909. Scholarly debates on wider developments in US race relations are considered, including the origins, nature and impact of the spread of racial segregation, the constitutional legality of which was upheld by the US Supreme Court in the 1896 Plessy v. Ferguson decision. There is an evaluation of the economic consequences of the rise of the sharecropper system in the South, together with the reasons for the spread of lynching in the southern states, its impact on African American communities and the efforts of anti-lynching campaigners like Ida B. Wells. The institutional racism within the legal and carceral systems, as reflected in the growth of convict-leasing, is also assessed. The political disfranchisement campaigns against African Americans in the southern states are examined together with the nature and significance of biracial alliances in the populist and labour movements. There is an analysis of the impact of racial stereotyping in popular culture, as in blackface minstrelsy, sport and early Hollywood film, and the contribution of women campaigners to the African American freedom struggle.
Why do communist countries sign bilateral investment treaties (BITs)? This article explores this question through the case of Yugoslavia, the first communist state to do so. In 1974, Yugoslavia signed a BIT with France, paving the way for further investment treaties – both in Yugoslavia and, soon after, in other communist countries. These developments sparked intense debate within the Yugoslav Communist Party, with some factions viewing them as a betrayal of Marxist–Leninist principles. While Western powers welcomed the move, it was strongly criticized by Eastern Bloc countries, particularly the Soviet Union, as ideological heresy. This paper analyses the complex motivations behind Yugoslavia’s foreign investment policy in the 1960s and 1970s, arguing that it was driven by domestic political, geopolitical, and ideological factors – not just economic considerations. Domestically, BITs were linked to the Communist Party’s efforts to maintain political power and stability. Geopolitically, they served as tools to secure international allies. Ideologically, the policy sought to promote a distinct Yugoslav model of socialism – one that blended socialist principles, workers’ self-management, market economics, and coexistence with both capitalist and socialist states. This ideological dimension, overlooked in the literature, highlights how BITs were not merely economic instruments but also tools for advancing a hybrid economic and foreign policy that challenged both capitalist and Soviet orthodoxies.
In considering the charges brought against Al Hassan Ag Abdoul Aziz Ag Mohamed Ag Mahmoud, the ICC has been forced to address the question of Islamic criminal law. Following the reasoning of the Prosecution, Trial Chamber X considered Sharia punishments mandated by the Islamic court and implemented by the Islamic police to be evidence of the existence of an organizational policy to commit a widespread or systematic attack against a civilian population with the aim of denigrating and subjugating the community in Timbuktu. Trial Chamber X also accepted the Prosecution’s conclusion that applying different forms of Sharia punishments amounted to the crime of torture. Such an expansive view of core international crimes has the potential to send an alienating message to Muslim communities around the world and particularly those countries that apply Sharia criminal law. The overriding narrative of the article does not diminish the harm caused by Ansar Eddine but rather presents an alternative to the Trial Chamber’s and the Prosecution’s reasoning, campaigning for more active engagement with the principles of Sharia. As discussed at length, the duty of an international court is to adapt a multicultural and diverse interpretative guidelines by considering more traditional systems of justice. In that regard, the ICC has yielded to the universalists and Eurocentric agenda by deciding to dismiss Islamic traditions in their entirety. While Sharia based punishments remain shocking for the Western societies, their spiritual, religious, and exonerating value remains poignant for the Muslim majority states and communities. The practices cannot be therefore dismissed, and if looked at in line with the Third World Approaches to International Law could enrich the legal reasoning for future investigations and trials.
The widespread rise of renting unaffordability and gentrification across European cities has drawn attention to the social unsustainability of heavily financialized and privatized housing markets. Indeed, contemporary patterns of standardization and depoliticization of housing crises collide with the increasingly pronounced functional equivalence between tenancies and home-owning, as well as with future urbanization prospects. The Article departs from an understanding of housing crises as by-products of inter alia property relations to examine two distinct clusters of constitutional tension that define the European housing landscape. It then details the recalibration of renting profitability and the regulatory or “soft” asymmetrization of housing governance as defining features of a post- or counter-neoliberal movement within property’s constitutional politics. While profitability relativism readily aligns with the basic tenets of European social constitutionalism, the plural resistances of constitutional governance structures to the localist repoliticization of housing crises urges fresh thinking around the shifting geographies of urban homeownership politics.
Private equity (PE) firms are increasingly investing in healthcare, seeking short-term returns through market consolidation, price increases, asset sales, and financial engineering. Although PE is transforming the healthcare sector, many countries lack systematic data to determine whether a regulatory response is warranted. Using data from PitchBook, we document substantial and growing PE investment in health care across 25 of 38 Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, totalling over 8,400 reported deals and $1.4 trillion in capital between 2013 and 2023. Outpatient clinics represent the dominant target of investment, while hospital and elder care sectors have attracted investments in select countries. Exploratory regression analyses suggest that PE firms are less likely to invest in countries with a social health insurance system and that PE deal volume is positively associated with health expenditures. Country-specific deviations from model predictions underscore the importance of unmeasured country-specific factors such as regulation, payment policy, and market competition. Eight case studies illustrate the operational, financial, and social implications of PE investments, as well as diverse regulatory contexts. Given the lack of disclosure requirements, a key policy priority for governments is to enhance transparency to enable effective monitoring of the financialisation of health care delivery.