In Chapter 8, Psychological Suffering, we consider people’s experiences of psychological distress and dysfunction. The forms they take, the meanings they are given, the remedies available, and ultimately, the prognosis for recovery, all vary widely. We first turn attention to questions of diagnosis and categorizations of psychological suffering, focusing on the seventy-five-year endeavor to produce a satisfactory version of the DSM – the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, and some of the conceptual and practical problems that it has engendered. We also examine the manifold ways that mental health diagnoses have permeated everyday conversations, and how they are utilized by many social institutions. The next part of the chapter offers a chronology of treatments, not a few of which would now be regarded as dangerous and destructive. We conclude by describing contemporary consumer-centered approaches that support persons coping with severe psychological distress and their families.

In Chapter 3, Cultures, Communities, and Persons, we present different views of “culture” in the social sciences. We also present several examples that illustrate how cultural habits and life patterns, and even understandings of what it is to be human, vary across the world. And we point to examples of how psychologists in high-income countries have sometimes, without grounds, assumed the universal validity of theories developed by such psychologists, and suffused by Western (usually middle-class) cultural values. On the contrary, these theories may be inapplicable outside Western contexts, as well as in Western contexts outside the well-educated middle classes and dominant ethnic groups. We draw conclusions about the need for psychologists to be aware of how their own locations and national and other identities may shape what they can see and say.

Chapter 5, Human Brains and Psychology. In this chapter we first describe important attributes of human brains such as their complexity, flexibility and plasticity. We also consider how cultural habits and traditions influence how brains come to be understood. We look at the many metaphors that have been used, and are still being used, to make sense of the brain. Especially interesting is the computer metaphor, which has developed over time, but has garnered increasing debate and critique in recent years. Further, we scrutinize how psychologists and neuroscientists talk and write about brains; for instance, we look closely at ideas about what people’s brains are doing when people are doing things: Should brains be seen as active agents that “think,” “feel,” and so on, or should such agency be reserved for humans? We also discuss the use of brain-focused reductionist explanations of human behavior. Finally, we identify and discuss contemporary styles of thinking about brains.

Chapter 13, Being a Discerning Reader of Psychology. In this chapter we present ways to scrutinize psychological theory, research, and practice in order to identify those theories and practices that work well, and those that are problematic in one or more ways. We first describe conceptual analysis, an investigation strategy borrowed from philosophy. Conceptual analysis enables one to examine the conceptual bases of theories and practices, focusing on logical inconsistencies in the uses of words and concepts. Such analysis is essential because inconsistencies in a theory must be resolved before one begins empirical work. If unresolved, such problems will eventually hamper scientific progress. The second part offers ten questions that are based on the principles of conceptual analysis and aimed to support beginners to psychology. Reflecting on these questions is helpful when reading to get acquainted with a field of knowledge, and also when planning a study.

In Chapter 14, Studying the Psychology of Persons: Methods, Assumptions, and Commitments, we describe general characteristics of research methods that are based on a view of people as socially situated persons. These methods go by different names, such as interpretative research, qualitative research, and in some cases ethnographic research. We describe the steps in such research: developing a knowledge interest and useful researchable questions, selecting participants and compose a group to study, deciding how to gather data, and choosing methods for analysis. We discuss common assumptions and commitments in these approaches, such as an interest in what is specific and contextualized in human life, and an interest in people’s language use. The final part of the chapter contains a discussion of what it would mean for psychologists to change their theoretical thinking to such a degree that they need to change their thinking styles, as well as suggestions for how to initiate such changes.

In Chapter 2, Thinking Styles in Psychology, we present a way to reflect upon and scrutinize psychological theories and practices. We use the framework of thinking styles (or thought styles), which was developed by the microbiologist and philosopher of science, Ludwik Fleck, in the 1930s. A thinking style is the preparedness to see, act, and think in a particular way that characterizes members of cohesive work groups, such as colleagues in a clinic or a research setting. In this view, thinking, acting, and seeing are thoroughly social phenomena that cannot be fully understood without taking context into account. Thus, thinking styles are by definition the property of some community of people: a thought collective. Becoming skilled in a field of knowledge includes becoming increasingly socialized into the ways of seeing, acting, and thinking that characterize the thinking style of one’s thought collective. In the chapters that follow, we use this framework as a tool when we describe and critically reflect on subfields, topics, and practices in the psychology discipline.