To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
This Element examines the history, beliefs, and practices of the QAnon movement, described by supporters as a military intelligence operation meant to restore 'American greatness,' and by opponents as a threat to American democracy. Although it began as a fringe conspiracy theory when it emerged on anonymous internet image boards in the fall of 2017, the lockdown measures of the COVID-19 pandemic sent most people online for social participation, facilitating greater awareness of the movement amidst an environment of rising social tension and personal anxiety. QAnon's emergence online offers an observable and real-time record of the way communities of meaning-making and identity develop through the consumption, construction, and circulation of ideas in a digital communication medium. By studying QAnon, this Element provides a better understanding of the relationship between conspiracy theory and religion and demonstrates how new religious movements emerge and evolve today in relation to consumerism and communication complexity.
This article, which relies on underutilized archival collections as well as oral histories, is one of the first comprehensive examinations of the feminist struggle to decriminalize abortion during Brazil’s transition to democracy during the 1980s. We discuss how the consolidation of the antiabortion Christian right and its proximity to several political parties, including ones on the left, coupled with the politically moderate tone of the transition from dictatorship to democracy, constrained the space in which Brazilian feminists could make radical demands of the state. Moreover, we contend that although the creation of the state-funded feminist organ Conselho Nacional dos Direitos da Mulher in 1985 brought important visibility to feminist issues and inserted the movement’s agenda squarely within the government apparatus, it also fragmented feminists, threatened co-optation by the state, and ultimately compelled abortion rights activists to prioritize the more palatable strategy of expanding access to therapeutic abortions, which were already permitted by law. In addition to divergences in political strategy, feminists struggled to create multiracial and multiclass coalitions during this period, when many Black feminists and working-class women were organizing around other concerns. As a result, feminists were not able to fundamentally alter public opinion about the political importance of abortion, and their efforts to enshrine the termination of pregnancy as a human right in the 1988 Constitution were unsuccessful.
This article reveals late Ottoman (1876–1908) debates over agrarian policy in the empire’s Arab provinces that set the parameters for a fully articulated discourse of national economy emerging after the constitutional revolution of 1908. Debates between imperial officials, regional capitalists and foreign consular agents produced protectionist restrictions on the newly constructed agrarian land market, especially in an extended geography encompassing Palestine and the Hijaz Railway. Ottoman officials viewed the Arab provinces both as an untapped resource and as a possible alternative base in the event of Anatolia’s occupation. Restrictions on the land market constructed Muslim cultivators as ideal landholders and non-Muslim subjects, both Christian and Jewish, as potentially suspect and unfit for landholding. Protectionist and exclusionary agrarian policies responded to a wider context of imperial capitalism in which Ottoman officials occupied a subordinate, but still sovereign, position. These policies had an unrecognized legacy in the colonial and postcolonial Middle East, creating a durable state domain that aimed to shield large swaths of land as territory from foreign investment and occupation. The much-discussed work of Frederick List on national economy focused on practices of import substitution and tariffs with empirical examples culled mainly from the United States and Germany. In the Ottoman Empire, in contrast, agrarian policy played a crucial role in practices of national economy because of the urgent prerogative to maintain territorial sovereignty in the face of imminent colonial expansion. The article suggests a reappraisal of the contributions of Ottoman policy debates to the broader history of capitalism.
From manifesto pledges to election victory in 2024, the Labour Party has positioned ‘spiralling economic inactivity’ as the central employment and welfare challenge. This article critically examines Labour’s first year in power, with a focus on employment policies at the intersection of in-work poverty, economic insecurity, and inactivity. We begin by outlining the current labour market context, questioning the narrative underpinning Labour’s welfare reform agenda. We then analyse key policy shifts in social security and employment support, especially as they affect marginalised groups. This is followed by a review of Labour’s wider labour market strategy, including the Employment Rights Bill, Pathways to Work, Get Britain Working, and the significance of devolution. The article concludes by assessing the current direction of travel, and explores the tension between the structural roots of work insecurity and the incremental policy responses likely to leave the deeper labour market challenges across the UK largely intact.
Globally, child marriage is a persistent issue, adversely affecting the rights and well-being of girls. With a special focus on religious affiliation, this study explores the contributing factors leading to child marriage, such as cultural norms, religious beliefs, and socioeconomic conditions. From the Census of India 2011 data, percentage distributions of child marriage were used to assess the trends and magnitude of child marriage over the years. From NFHS-5 data, bivariate and multivariate analyses were conducted to assess factors like education and wealth index. Spatial analysis techniques, including Moran’s I statistics, helped identify the geographic distribution of child marriage. Findings reveal a history of relatively high child marriage rates among Muslims and their faster decline over the last decades. In 2011, under-14 marriages among Hindus exceeded 1.03% more than that of Muslims, with a 0.33% higher incidence of under-18 marriages among Muslims. The sample-based NFHS-5 study highlights significant disparities in child marriage based on the sample populations’ religious affiliations, regions, social categories, education, and wealth. In conclusion, the issue transcends religious boundaries, is rooted in broader social and economic contexts, and advocates for multidimensional interventions.
This is a unique study of working-class writing and community publishing. It evaluates the largely unexamined history of the emergence and development of working-class writing and publishing workshops since the 1970s. The nature of working-class writing is assessed in relation to the work of young people, older people, adult literacy students as well as writing workshops. Key themes and tensions in working-class writing are explored in relation to historical and literary frameworks. This is the first in-depth study of this body of writing. In addition, a number of crucial debates are examined, for example, over class and identity, critical pedagogy and learning, relationships with audiences and the role of mainstream cultural institutions in comparison with alternatives. The contradictions and tensions in all these areas are surveyed in coming to a historical understanding of this topic.
At a time when the world is faced with an unprecedented and growing number of people being displaced around the world, scholars strive to make sense of what appear to be constantly unfolding “crises.” These attempts, however, often operate within niche and increasingly fragmented fields, thus making it difficult to develop a historically nuanced and theoretically informed understanding of how forced displacement is produced, managed, and experienced globally and locally. To advance such an understanding, this book offers an interdisciplinary and transnational approach to thinking about structures, spaces, and lived experiences of displacement. This is a collective effort by sociologists, geographers, anthropologists, political scientists, historians, and migration studies scholars to develop new cross-regional conversations and theoretically innovative vocabularies in the work on forced displacement. We engage in a historical, transnational, interdisciplinary dialogue to offer different ways of theorizing about refugees, internally displaced persons, stateless people, and others that have been forcibly displaced. Our work opens critical discussions of forced displacement, drawing it together with other contemporary issues in different disciplines such as urbanization, securitization, race, and imperialism. The book brings together different regions and countries into dialogue with each other – from Latin America, to sub-Saharan Africa, Europe, North America, South and Southeast Asia. The book, while being of particular interest to scholars of forced migration, will be an important text for those interested in studying the intersection between displacement and contemporary political, social, and economic issues.
The author identifies what she calls a ‘niche opening’ within the increasingly repressive policies of control and containment of refugees in the UK and wider Europe: refugee children. She engages with Western discourses about childhood and vulnerability to show how, unlike other asylum seekers, refugee children are approached by the UK asylum regime as subjects with ‘citizenship potential’. Within the wider context of hostility there have been ‘niche openings’ for certain categories of asylum seekers who have been looked on more favourably because they fit with certain moral and humanitarian values and aims of European nations. One of these niche openings has been for refugee children. While in the UK asylum seekers are judged as lacking citizenship potential and typically rejected through abandonment, confinement or expulsion, children are regarded as an investment in the future of the nation; to be moulded into model citizens through protection and guidance. This proximity to citizenship is, however, not only partial due to assumptions about refugee children’s lack of agency but also temporary as it gets abruptly interrupted as refugee youth age out of childhood.
This chapter draws our attention to the complexities of protecting refugees and their rights within urban environments. As refugee crises become increasingly urbanised, protecting refugees becomes more complex. Unlike camp settings, urban environments are spatially fragmented and subject to various financial and political changes that are linked to, yet distinct from, those at the scale of the nation state. In cities in the Global South where much of urban displacement takes place, protecting refugees can be highly varied and subject to the whims of local communities and power brokers. Here, refugees share the same kinds of socio-economic struggles as the urban poor. Therefore, privileging one over the other can cause tensions and resentments among the local communities. The authors note that in such a condition, insisting on formulaic, rights-based approaches may be counter-productive. Rather, humanitarian organisations may benefit from working stealthily with local organisations, including state institutions, to insert protections for refugees into local by-laws. This may not be the model donors envision when funding humanitarian responses, but in an increasingly urban and dynamic world, there is a need to abandon earlier methods of protection and adopt tactics that tap into the needs and interests of local communities.
This chapter draws our attention to the politics of hosting refugees among Global South countries in an era of growing security concerns and diminishing power by the UN to protect the rights of refugees The author alerts us to the unevenness of the global humanitarian system whereby those countries who are often least equipped to host large numbers of refugees find themselves doing so over long periods of time. While countries in the Global South are tasked with hosting large numbers of refugees, their security concerns tend to be overlooked. They thus undertake problematic practices against displaced populations. The chapter focuses on how Bangladesh has hosted the Rohingya over the last several decades as Myanmar has engaged in repeated ethnic cleansing practices against them. The author looks at how in countries like Bangladesh there are attempts at trying to limit the numbers of refugees or repatriate them or resettle them in geographical problematic areas. The chapter shows us how, as a result of the diminishing power of the UN, a change in the geopolitical landscape of the world and the emphasis on security concerns, the rights of refugees continue to be eroded.
This chapter undertakes a critical analysis of Palestinian identity and displacement and its relationship to the sea. The author engages in an ethnographic analysis in which she challenges normative understandings of Palestinian refugees as coming from farming backgrounds (fellaheen). She shows us instead the lives of Palestinian refugees who were fishermen who were displaced to Lebanon. Her work not only illuminates to close relationship – both personal and professional – of these communities to the sea, but the complex political negotiations they have to engage in order to continue their trades and indeed stake a claim to territory through their nautical understandings. The chapter challenges the assumed identity of Palestinian refugees as being landed. It offers new ways of imagining pathways to refuge, spaces of refuge, and activities that communities undertake in exile.
The forms of publishing pursued by workshops were built upon intense local interest in the histories and experiences of ordinary people, which were also well received among radical and labour movement networks. This gave rise to an evangelism to encourage more people to take up writing. However, this model of a responsive readership was to be challenged in the 1980s with the weeding out of alternatives and the imposition of a limited idea of the market, which served to marginalise one version of working-class writing in the face of new demands for ‘quality’ writing. Yet, this was a two-way street in which there was an exchange of ideas between formal and informal approaches. This highlights the varied nature of markets and the way that, in certain circumstances, they could be moulded to democratic needs as well as representing an alien force to writers.
A significant body of written work was produced by older people in the 1970s and 1980s reflecting back on the early twentieth century. Through the individual voice, wider social contexts were explored. Writers focused upon some key themes in order to achieve this, including childhood, work, family, the individual and politics. The insistent belief in care and community in times of hardship is understood as a contradictory structure of feeling that spread widely during this time. Contrary to ideal-type definitions of community, a close reading of texts reveals actual meanings and practices that have often been ignored in the historical record. Silences and tensions are also explored.