States of emergency are usually approached separately in social, political, and economic policy spheres while they are generally tied to a concrete time frame: security, disasters, and economic crises are portrayed as discrete emergencies occupying specific periods. This paper shows that seemingly different and sometimes contradictory processes of states of emergency often intertwine with each other despite their variegated domains, scales, reasonings, and political endeavors. Moreover, their legacies and origins are found in the broader history of articulation of new forms of governance and accumulation of wealth. The paper presents two cases in Turkey that differ in terms of the violence they entailed while both exploited the same emergency declaration against disasters and the new Law No. 6306 on land grabbing. The first is a series of spectacular incidents in the southeastern Kurdish city of Diyarbakır and the second is an ethnographic study from Eskişehir, a mundane setting in western Anatolia. The study develops a historical–relational framework to examine how emergency governance operates through dual, interwoven logics of ruling and capital accumulation. This allows us to move beyond ready-made, reductionist understandings of contemporary emergency governance. Discerning institutionalization of states of emergency also shows their fragility and blurs the line between spectacular and non-spectacular.

Building on the premise that etiquette (adab-ı muaşeret) is a crucial component in understanding Turkish cultural modernization, this article examines how the Turkish military incorporated Western manners during the Republican era. While the military’s role in supporting Westernization is well documented, less scholarly attention has been paid to the internalization and practice of Western cultural norms, particularly etiquette, within military circles. Conceptualizing manners as a disciplined and refined mode of conduct, this study investigates how Western etiquette was transmitted to military officers and integrated into their personal and professional lives. The article argues that, although military texts on etiquette presented Western manners as essential to social status and modernization, their implementation was characterized by selective adoption, ambiguity, and even resistance. These texts, often compiled by officers themselves, reflect both a desire to assert cultural authority and the complex, negotiated process of Westernization. Drawing on two primary sources – etiquette manuals and officers’ self-narratives – the study illuminates the contested and dynamic nature of adopting Western norms. This dual approach highlights the formation of a cultural identity among officers marked by eclecticism and ambivalence, revealing broader tensions within the Turkish modernization project.

This article is an exploration of leisure practices of military families inside military social institutions such as military summer camps and orduevis (officers’ clubs). Introducing generations of military families to aestheticized forms of seaside leisure as well as bodily forms of self-discipline and militarized forms of sociality, summer camps and orduevis have allowed military families to recognize themselves as a distinct social group and develop classed and racialized sensibilities of cultural difference since the 1950s. Building on ethnographic research among military families, this article examines the role of leisure in the cultivation of the tastes, habits, and sensibilities that define white, modern, secular, and middle-class citizenship for military families.

This article examines Turkey’s position as an aid recipient during the Cold War, benefiting from assistance provided by both the United States and the Soviet Union. Adopting a comparative approach, this study investigates the impact of these investments on the development of two major iron and steel plants: the Ereğli Iron and Steel Plant (ERDEMİR), constructed with American financial and industrial support, and the İskenderun Iron and Steel Plant (İSDEMİR), established with Soviet assistance. Both projects sparked political controversy in Turkey during the 1960s and 1970s, shaped not only by the ideological rivalries of the Cold War but also by material realities on the ground. In terms of the conditions attached to aid, transfer of technology, and ownership structures, there were significant differences between the support offered by the capitalist and socialist countries. These differences were evident in the cases of ERDEMİR and İSDEMİR, where two distinct models were used for practical testing. This article argues that comparing the construction and operation of these plants provides valuable insights into the nature of Cold War aid and contributes to the broader global literature on the subject.

The Kurdish movement in Turkey illustrates a complex struggle for political recognition and decolonization. The article examines this dual strategic orientation, focusing on the peace process initiated in October 2024 between the Turkish state and Kurdish representatives. Through a detailed and symptomatic reading of the two texts by Abdullah Öcalan, February Call and Perspektif, the article aims to demonstrate that the movement both interacts with the state to secure democratic prerequisites for political participation and continues to promote a radical critique of capitalist modernity and nation-state structures. Drawing upon Axel Honneth’s recognition theory and Étienne Balibar’s concept of “equaliberty,” the struggle for recognition is no longer seen just to result in a depoliticization through governmental control, but is rethought as building the capacity to stage an ongoing, performative process that manages the constitutive tension between equality and autonomy within Kurdish decolonial practice. This approach raises questions about how the movement navigates state structures while promoting alternative social institutions and epistemic spaces, including the problematic site of communes as a form of democratic autonomous experimentation.

The Great Depression in 1929 had a transformative impact on Turkey. The institutions established to minimize the effects of the crisis propagated a set of statist measures. The National Economy and Savings Association and Public Press Directorate utilized photography and painting in the beginning of the 1930s to propagate those measures. In their efforts, these institutions constructed a new conception of landscape with a moral agenda: citizens and artists should travel in Anatolia to learn about the country, love it, and create art accordingly. Key to this conception was the productivity of the land. The most comprehensive cultural program during World War II, Homeland Tours, mimicked this new conception of a landscape. This article analyzes the conception of productive landscapes up until the end of World War II by drawing attention to the overlooked photography collection in the State Archives, which comprises paintings made during the Homeland Tours. One of the many tools that the statist economic institutions devised was agricultural statistics. The comparison between the paintings and actual land use statistics demonstrates that the artists collectively followed the statist economic agenda.

This paper scrutinizes an early childhood education institution introduced by the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey in the early 2000s. Making Quran kindergartens public, which were previously run only by private enterprises and religious sects, marked a new development for the country. In an effort towards building its cultural hegemony, the AKP established Turkey’s first public Islamic kindergartens as a part of its “raising a new pious generation” policy. This article explores the emergence of these public Islamic kindergartens, referred to as “Quran kindergartens,” and analyzes how these institutions form the concept of the “Muslim child” through their educational practices while also contributing to the transformation of the role of mosques in Turkey. The study was based on qualitative research, comprising interviews with educators and parents.

This article examines the construction of gendered collective identity among leftist women in Turkey through their post-1980 coup prison memory. By analyzing 124 autobiographical narratives, we uncover a process of identity formation grounded in a continuous negotiation between past struggles and present concerns, constituting a counternarrative that challenges the master narrative of defeat and submission prevalent after the coup. The article’s tripartite framework of distance, substance, and persistence underscores women’s journey from marginalization to collective empowerment, producing shifting subject positions across time. By placing temporality at the center of collective identity formation, this study contributes to feminist memory literature and identity studies while addressing a significant historiographical gap by bringing the neglected struggles of leftist women in Turkey to light.

This article explores how socio-ecological crises reshape the Köyceğiz-Dalyan region, Turkey’s first Special Environmental Protection Area, through a more-than-human approach. Based on multi-stage qualitative research conducted between 2018 and 2023, we argue that the region is experiencing interconnected socio-ecological crises that are transforming a long-standing multispecies web of life unique to the area. Our findings highlight two major shifts: first, deforestation, driven by agricultural land clearance, mining activities, and forest fires, has dismantled collaborative practices such as beekeeping, goat keeping, and small-scale agriculture, all of which sustained multispecies partnerships that maintained both biodiversity and traditional livelihoods. Second, waves of lifestyle migration, from middle-class retirees in the 1980s and 1990s to remote workers during COVID-19, have altered village demographics and transformed landscapes through construction that replaces agricultural lands and forests with residential developments. These interwoven transformations demonstrate how socio-ecological crises simultaneously unravel multispecies relationships, eliminate traditional sustainable livelihoods, and fragment life networks that once sustained both human communities and biodiversity.

This article revisits the history of Muslim Turkish society, questioning its essentialist portrayal as a “religious society,” with religiosity narrowly defined through Sunni Islamic doctrines. It examines the content of Sunni folk Islam through the Mevlid, Karbala, and Ebâ Müslim books published by İstanbul Maarif Kitaphanesi until the 1980s, as well as their political appropriation by elite actors during the early Cold War period. I argue that Sunni and Alevi religiosity shared key elements beyond saint veneration, particularly praising the Prophet through Nur Muhammad, love of Ahl Al-Bayt, and mourning for Karbala. Using these books as religious media through a material approach to religion, I maintain that they made Muhammad and Ahl Al-Bayt “accessible,” “tangible,” and “sense-able” in the world in oral, pictorial, and scriptural forms. Since the publishers, editors, authors, readers, and listeners of these books were descendants of Turkish speakers dating back to the twelfth century, I propose the term “Islam in Turkish” as a conceptual framework to capture these shared elements. I argue that this concept, denoting a vernacular form of religiosity, has the potential to replace the modern category of Turkish folk Islam and contribute to global critical discussions on Islam.

Religious poems sung with music, the Alevi deyiş are an integral part of Alevi ritual and social life. Due to the dynamics of oral transmission, the same deyiş can be performed with all kinds of music, the words of the deyiş can change from one performance to the next, and pen names can multiply. The unique experiential function of the deyiş lies precisely in this dynamic and fluid plurality. The deyiş serve as the anchor of communal identity, linking the group to a mythico-historical past that also constitutes the hermeneutical background for making sense of the present and near past. Born from an affect that is at once personal and communal, the oral tradition of deyiş is an experience of collective and personal agency, re-created at each moment in the acts of performance and active listening. Grounded in conceptual frameworks on emotion, embodiment, and orality, the article explores the transmission of deyiş through the cases of early Republican singer–poet Âşık Veysel (d. 1973), poems by Kaygusuz Abdal (flourished late fourteenth–early fifteenth century) and Pir Sultan Abdal (flourished sixteenth century) in the compilation of Ottoman palace musician Ali Ufuki (d. 1675), and modern musical interpretations of Kaygusuz Abdal’s poem.

This article investigates the lives of Sufi leaders following the Turkish state’s abolition of Sufism in 1925. Examining the professions and career paths of Sufi shaykhs, it demonstrates that Sufi masters worked primarily in government jobs and institutions, and maintained a relatively high social status in the new nation-state, despite official denunciations of shaykhs as spiritual charlatans and parasites. As such, it argues that the state pursued a policy of inclusion and integration rather than one of persecution or elimination. While acknowledging that some Sufi leaders were victims of state policy, this article casts doubt on the persecution narrative and demonstrates a broad range of experiences and trajectories for Sufis in the early Turkish Republic. It illustrates that the state welcomed many shaykhs into the new institutions of the nation, including the Grand National Assembly, local government, schools, and libraries, as well as academia and the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet).

This article examines the complex relationship between Sufism, secularity, and psychiatry through Refik Halid Karay’s 1956 novel, Kadınlar Tekkesi (Women’s Lodge). The article argues that Kadınlar Tekkesi recontextualizes Sufism by medicalizing and pathologizing it through psychiatry and psychopathology. This analysis draws upon discourse analysis and Michel Foucault’s exploration of abnormality and power dynamics. The article contends that this approach diverges from previous anti-Sufi agendas of Turkish novels, which were primarily motivated by religious and moralistic criticisms. The article argues that the application of psychiatric terminology to Sufism suggests a shift in Turkish secularism’s attitude toward Sufism, which transitions from dismissing Sufism as obsolete to engaging with it systematically through scientific study. Informed by modern scientific rationality, this shift signifies a redefined interaction between knowledge and power and the gendered aspects of the medicalization process. The article underscores that interactions between the discourses of secularism, Sufism, and psychopathology suggest a new regime of truth based on secular and scientific thought, while implicitly supported by orthodox Islamic principles.