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Introduces isotope archaeology – the use of mass spectrometry to determine the stable isotope ratios of the lighter elements (carbon, oxygen, nitrogen) in organic materials including bone and dental enamel, and also the heavier isotope ratios (strontium, lead) on biological tissue and inorganic materials.
To comprehend brains and minds as computers is to explain their activities and organization in terms of information processing, which is essentially the systematic manipulation of representations. This understanding has served as the fundamental guiding commitment of research in artificial intelligence, cognitive psychology, neuroscience, and related disciplines. While computational terminology has been applied metaphorically to brains and minds, it has certainly been applied in literal senses as well. The Human Brain Project’s SpiNNaker computer is presented as an example of the inability of research committed to the computer metaphor (and literalism) to facilitate understanding of brains and minds. Long-term progress requires shifting to investigative frameworks that approach brains and minds on their own terms, and not via inappropriate metaphors. Complexity science is such a framework, in which brains and minds are understood via core features of complex systems: emergence, nonlinearity, self-organization, and universality. Extended Haken–Kelso–Bunz models are presented as empirically supported research exhibiting a fruitful complexity science approach to brains and minds across spatial and temporal scales ofactivity and organization. The result is a clear case for the effectiveness of investigating brains and minds on their own terms as complex systems.
The armistice of November 1918 did not mean an end to suffering or the need for humanitarian aid. On the contrary, Europe, Russia and the Middle East faced protracted humanitarian emergencies in the months and years that followed. Refugee crises emerged next to war-related displacements in the wake of the disintegration of former empires and the drawing of new borders during peace conferences. As a consequence of the Armenian Genocide and the Bolshevik Revolution, masses of people fled or were resettled, forcibly expelled or evicted. The subsequent civil wars in former Russia, the conflicts in Eastern Europe and the population exchange between Turkey and Greece – the outcome of the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923 and overseen by the League of Nations – produced new waves of displaced persons and desperate refugees in need of support. At the same time, millions of prisoners of war waited, often in miserable conditions, for their repatriation, while famine conditions prevailed in parts of Austria and Germany, reinforced by the Allied blockade, and a terrible famine spread in Soviet Russia between 1921 and 1923.
All these humanitarian emergencies demanded comprehensive continued or new relief efforts, a call that was taken up by established actors, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the national Red Cross societies and the Quakers, as well as newcomers in the field, such as Save the Children, the American Relief Administration, Near East Relief, the International Workers’ Relief, and the League of Nations.
In the winter of 1984, large-scale and targeted violence against Sikhs engulfed New Delhi's suburbs such as Sultanpuri, Mangolpuri and Trilokpuri. The country witnessed a massacre that left an indelible scar on its history. Between 3,000 and 17,000 Sikhs were killed, and over 50,000 forced to flee their homes. Amid all this violence and curfew-bound streets, a group of like-minded people—university professors, government officials, doctors, lawyers, students and members of civil society groups—took to the streets carrying nothing more than notepads and pens. They had first gathered at a friend's place, and divided themselves into two teams. One was led by the People's Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR) and the other by the People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), both of which were civil liberties groups that had been set up about a decade ago in the early 1970s.
Both teams navigated the violence-prone neighbourhoods, documenting testimonies of the survivors, destruction of gurudwaras and people's allegations against Congress leaders for having orchestrated the carnage. They interviewed victims, police officers, neighbours, army personnel and political leaders. They collected perpetrators’ information, car numbers and locations which had been targeted during the riots. The testimonies they recorded revealed that mobs had precise information on Sikh households across the city and were armed with kerosene and sulphur powder to set fire to those. Instances of complicity by officials were also recorded, including the names of those who looked the other way. This systematic documentation and its release in the form of a report exposed the chilling coordination behind the violence and revealed how massacres often unfold with calculated precision.
The first chapter examines the Subura’s early urbanization from the Iron Age through the Middle Republic. It shows a mixed occupation of plebeians and patricians from the start. Most importantly, it emphasizes the creation of a sacred landscape composed of multiple shrines dedicated to female deities throughout the valley. Each one evoked the city’s mythological origins to highlight the important role that women played in constructing and uniting Rome’s contemporary social fabric.
Osteogenesis imperfecta (OI), colloquially known as “brittle bone disease,” must be routinely considered in all children presenting with recurrent or unexplained fractures. Proper medical work-up includes careful consideration of the history of present illness, review of growth patterns including length/ height, past medical history, family history, physical examination, radiographic and laboratory findings. For decades, OI was described as four major types categorized largely based on clinical features, but in the modern era of genomics, there is more expanded molecular diagnosis and nomenclature. In general, OI can be clinically categorized into mild, moderate, and severe forms. In unexplained fractures in infants, mild forms of OI present an important differential diagnosis to child abuse; more moderate and severe types are usually readily diagnosed based on clinical and radiographical presentation. There is a role for judicious use of genetic testing in cases where OI is a possibility. Ehlers-Danlos syndrome has been purported to cause fractures and mimic child abuse in infants and young children, but this is a flawed explanation largely manufactured for courtroom purposes. By understanding the natural history of OI versus other connective tissue disorders, and by adopting appropriate clinical strategies and evidence-based practices, multidisciplinary clinical teams enhance diagnostic accuracy and improve clinical outcomes for children in our care.
Q: How did the idea of setting up civil liberties groups come about?
A: It was based on the realisation that there were certain democratic rights available to the prisoners too. Therefore, taking a maximalist, revolutionist position is not really very wise, purely for pragmatic reasons. If the jail manual does allow you to get Anacin, cigarettes and medical help, then why not get it? Why say jail ke taaley tootenge, saare communist chhootenge? [Jail locks will be broken, and all communists will be freed]. This realization dawned upon many people, that the jail manual, the constitutional structure does allow you a certain leeway. So, then the idea arose that one should set up committees to fight for these rights, with [i.e., comprising] people who are not necessarily Naxalites.
—Deepak Simon
Q: It took over twenty years for the seeds of civil liberties to revive. [Why?]
A: I think that the process of disillusionment with the intentions of the ruling elite was very gradual. Initially, and for a substantial period of time, it was felt that there were real possibilities of progress— economic progress and the removal of ignorance, improvement of education and so on. Consequently, other issues of civil liberties went into the background as far as the elite was concerned.
—V. M. Tarkunde, cited in S. Kothari (1989a)
These two responses to essentially the same question, that is, what factors led to the emergence of civil liberties activism, represent the contrasting motivations and political contexts behind the setting up of civil liberties groups in India. Simon sees their first appearance as a pressure group to lobby for the release of Naxalite political prisoners in the early 1970s.