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In recent years it has become increasingly difficult to maintain that the European party systems are stable and that they reflect the societal cleavage structures of the past. One developmental aspect of the party systems is singled out for description and analysis in this paper. It is argued that European party systems in terms of electoral volatility, i.e. rates of net change in the electorates, are drifting away from each other. Some of the party systems which have traditionally been considered volatile, apparently are becoming less so, while some other systems are taking on the character of highly volatile party systems. A simple set of hypotheses, based upon the notion of party space, is proposed in order to account for the variation observed. The data lend support to the hypothesis that electoral volatility is a function of the format of the party system and of short-term changes in that format.
We present new data on peer review practices in linguistics journals, reporting the results of an online survey of editors. This paper aims to increase understanding of the processes and practices of peer review for everyone involved—editors, authors, reviewers, and readers. Apprehending concretely how peer review happens from beginning to end and how editors think about it should help to demystify the process, especially for graduate students and early career researchers, and make the experience somewhat less stressful across the board. Editors, authors, and reviewers all share, we trust, a desire for high professional standards and best practices. We hope to stimulate further discussion of these issues in the field and development of field-wide standards.
This research note reports on the 2002 and 2006 Chapel Hill expert surveys (CHES), which measure national party positioning on European integration, ideology, and several European Union (EU) and non‐EU policies. The reliability of expert judgments is examined and the CHES data are cross‐validated with data from the Comparative Manifesto Project, the 2003 Benoit‐Laver expert survey and the 2002 Rohrschneider‐Whitefield survey. The dataset is available on the CHES website.
In this exploratory study into the relationship between participation in charitable activity and self-reported measures of personal wellness, social exchange theory was used to model factors that operationalize socioeconomic variables as costs, religious orientation and charitable orientation as rewards, and wellness as profit. Structural equation modeling was applied to data from the 2004 General Social Survey, including the Module on Altruism, to measure the effects, both direct and indirect, and infer knowledge from the results. Results suggest the indication of a relationship between charitable behavior and personal wellness is valid. Specifically, those who are more charitable and those with an enhanced religious orientation exhibit greater wellness. Results also indicate that charitable orientation acts as a mediating variable between income, education, religiosity, and wellness.
Empirical studies of volunteering assume that the similar individuals are drawn equally to different kinds of volunteer-using organizations. The purpose of this article is to explore the demographic predictors of volunteering for several types of advocacy-related organizations, including political parties, labor and business organizations, immigrant/refugee-serving groups, civic organizations, and environmental/animal organizations. Data from the Current Population Survey’s volunteering supplement (pooled 2006–2012) indicate that the demographic profiles of volunteers drawn to advocacy-related organizations differ in specific ways from the demographic profile of those volunteering for other types of organizations. In particular, veterans are more likely than non-veterans to volunteer for political/advocacy groups and civic organizations. Being a minority veteran is associated with volunteering for immigrant organizations and environmental/animal-related organizations. Foreign-born individuals—both US citizens and non-citizens—are more likely to volunteer for immigrant/refugee organizations than the native born. The demographic profiles of volunteers for advocacy-related organizations vary in some ways from the demographic profiles of those who volunteer for service delivery organizations.
Ladies and Gentlemen, on my own behalf as a professor of international relations, and on behalf of my host institution here, IBEI, the Barcelona Institute for International Studies, I would like to thank you for the kind invitation to address your Graduate Conference here today, and to share some thoughts, born of the intersection of my field of specialisation, International Relations, with the experience of living, writing, research, working and listening in this city of Barcelona, and in the Catalan and Spanish contexts, these past 4 years.
Cognitive health is a major concern for older adults. Cognitive decline poses risks to individual wellbeing and the public health system; therefore, identifying modifiable social risk factors is crucial. Social exclusion among older adults can occur across multiple domains simultaneously; however, few studies assess the association between multidimensional exclusion and cognitive function. This study investigates the relationship between three domains of social exclusion – economic, social relations and civic participation – and cognitive performance, examining both individual and combined effects among middle-aged and older adults in Europe. The study uses data from 60,726 participants in the ninth wave of the Survey on Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe. It assesses the independent and cumulative associations between social exclusion and cognitive function, while adjusting for socio-demographic and health-related variables. Cognitive function was most strongly associated with civic participation (β = −0.40), followed by social relationships (β = −0.36) and economic exclusion (β = −0.32), all of which were statistically significant (p < 0.001). A cumulative effect was found; individuals excluded from all three domains had the lowest cognitive scores (β = −1.12; p < 0.001), with cognitive performance declining progressively as the number of exclusion domains increased. These results highlight that multidimensional social exclusion is associated with worse cognitive outcomes, even after controlling for other relevant variables. Civic exclusion emerged as the domain with the most significant association, suggesting that encouraging civic participation – such as volunteering or participating in politics – may be a valuable strategy for supporting cognitive health in later life.
The death penalty is a unique form of punishment as it is the most consequential penalty with no options for reversibility. Politically, it is a highly controversial form of punishment, the usage of which varies strongly between and within countries over time. Existing databases on death penalty usage generally cover a time period from the 1950s and onwards. In this article, we introduce a new database that covers the period 1800–2022 for all currently independent countries in the world. We provide a yearly categorization of death penalty status as well as changes of the status. In descriptive analyses, we show how the new data provides a more comprehensive picture of the development of death penalty trends worldwide. The database provides researchers with new opportunities to study the death penalty from a variety of perspectives.
The multilevel governance literature on European politics argues that supranational governing arrangements have increased their autonomy vis–à–vis national governments. As private interests increasingly bypass national levels and become active in transnational Euro–level policy networks, national governments are no longer the sole interface between supranational and national levels. In contrast, the European Union might also be conceptualised as a two–level interstate negotiation system, an approach assuming that interests are formed and aggregated at the national level. Societal interests enter the fray of European negotiations via national executives, and private interests bypassing the national level are considered as a rather marginal, even irrelevant, phenomenon. In addition, both accounts expect different outcomes regarding which sorts of private interests – diffuse or specific – seek and gain access to both domestic and European public actors. By analysing the varying network strategies of domestic private actors, in particular interest associations, this article explores some propositions held by these two approaches. After a more comprehensive outline of some hypotheses, evidence collected among public and private actors at both the domestic (Belgian) and European levels will be analysed. In general, the results suggest that Euro–level networks of domestic interests are substantially related to their structural location within the domestic realm, that network strategies tend to be quite bureaucratic and that the sort of interest represented – diffuse or specific – has a considerable effect on gaining and seeking access.
A rapid increase in the non-manual proportion of the labour force has characterised most Western nations over the past 50 years. This development appears to have had an especial impact on the socio-economic composition and work, market and status position of the group of white-collar workers on the lower fringes of the non-manual stratum, and many theorists have expected that it would have implications too for their political behaviour and social attitudes. There have been a variety of prognostications, but very little supportive evidence of reactions at the individual level. Our empirical analysis of white-collar workers in Britain and the Netherlands suggests, however, that they have not responded to change in the expected, rather dramatic way, but that the aggregate pattern of their partisanship and political attitudes remains “intermediate” between those of the solid middle and working-class groups. Further examination shows that such a finding should not be surprising, for white-collar workers have not been universally subject to similar experiences nor would they be likely to interpret them in exactly similar ways. Rather they constitute a group whose diverse political and social backgrounds continue importantly to influence their behaviour and outlook and to militate against any strong, “class-based” reaction to socio-economic change.
Extant research has focused on the role of philanthropy in the socio-economic development of western countries, but little is known about the role of indigenous voluntary organisations in bridging social divides in the developing world. To help redress this imbalance, we present findings on the motivations, strategies, methods, and impact of five large philanthropically funded voluntary organizations in Pakistan. We ask how and why such organizations are formed and gain traction to provide valuable services for large numbers of poor people in a society riddled with inequalities. Although differing considerably in their relations to markets and philanthropy, we find that success in all cases followed from commitment to Islamic philanthropy and the ideal of social inclusion, social innovation, exploitation of social capital, and scaling-up. Our contribution is to demonstrate how in developing countries philanthropy and social entrepreneurship together can play a decisive role in realizing a more just society.
While scholars today are well‐acquainted with how the European Community preliminary reference process works, little research has been done to investigate strategic court interaction – that is, intentional, procedural court behaviour employed to influence the substantive direction of legal evolution, within that process. The present investigation, which is part of a larger project examining such court behaviour throughout the referral process, focuses on the initial stage: the decision to refer. Within that stage lies the opportunity for national courts to stack the interpretive deck for the entire decision‐making process via a preemptive opinion, the submission of which is neither required, suggested nor prohibited by written procedural guidelines. It is assumed that courts are strategic institutions that seek to maximize their policy objectives, and therefore, national courts submit preemptive opinions to obtain that goal. Such strategic behaviour, however, is influenced by intervening factors – namely the acceptance of European Court of Justice intervention, national judicial procedure, issue complexity and individual court experience.
The article investigates the extent to which EU conditionality and domestic factors have determined the Europeanisation path of Serbia, in light of its democratic backsliding and stalemate in its EU accession process. To explore this dynamic, the external incentives model (EIM), a widely recognised rationalist theoretical model analysing Europeanisation in candidate states, forms the theoretical basis of this study. Building on a rich literature applying this model, including EIM’s revisions by its original authors and subsequent improvements by other scholars, the study first aims to elucidate certain aspects of the model. Special attention is given to the dynamic nature of the EU accession process and the uncertainty faced by actors in EU candidate states regarding the prospects of EU membership, recognising that top-down and bottom-up factors often operate in concert rather than isolation. Process tracing and Bayesian reasoning are then employed to assess the contribution of these factors in explaining the observed democratic regression in Serbia. The analysis reveals mechanisms related to Serbia’s geostrategic interests, including its territorial integrity, and the overall decline in the credibility of the EU accession process, which have contributed to the deadlock in the accession process. Data are drawn from a number of primary and secondary sources including in-depth semi-structured interviews with EU and Serbian actors, EU, national, and international organisations’ documents and reports, the V-Dem and Freedom House databases, local and European media, and relevant scholarly literature.