Gorerite, ideally CaAlFe11O19 is a new mineral and M-type hexaferrite of the magnetoplumbite group. It was found in ferrite-rich segregations of esseneite–gehlenite–wollastonite–anorthite melted rock of the ‘olive’ subunit of pyrometamorphic rocks located near Hatrurim Junction in the Negev Desert, Israel. Within these ferrite-rich segregations up to 100 μm in size, platy crystals of gorerite up to 50 μm in size intergrow with hibonite, hematite, maghemite, magnesioferrite, dorrite, barioferrite and andradite, forming aggregates. Additionally, small crystals of gorerite occur within magnesioferrite. Importantly, gorerite did not crystallise directly from the melt. Instead, it emerged through a reaction involving earlier crystallised hibonite and an iron-enriched melt, resulting in the partial or complete replacement of hibonite by gorerite. Gorerite appears grey in the reflected light (R = 18–23%), displaying distinct bireflectance: dark-grey perpendicular to Z and light-grey parallel to Z. Its Raman spectrum exhibits only one strong band at 700 cm–1, which shifts to higher frequencies with increasing Al content. Gorerite crystallises in the P63/mmc space group, with lattice parameters a = 5.8532(4) Å, c = 22.7730(2) Å and V = 675.67(7) Å3 with Z = 2. It exhibits a structure characterised by an intercalation of triple spinel-like S blocks and rock-salt type R blocks along the hexagonal c-axis.

As part of a parasitological survey, several specimens of two new monopisthocotylean species, Neotetraonchus celsomanueli sp. nov. and N. peruvianus sp. nov. (Dactylogyridea, Dactylogyridae), were collected from the gill filaments of the Peruvian sea catfish Galeichthys peruvianus (Siluriformes, Ariidae) off Puerto Pizarro, Tumbes region, Peru. Neotetraonchus celsomanueli sp. nov. is characterised by an MCO with a T-shaped distal end and an accessory piece that is ribbed and expanded proximally with a worm-shaped termination. Neotetraonchus peruvianus sp. nov. is typified by its MCO, which has a sledgehammer-shaped distal end and an accessory piece with a claw-shaped distal end. Additionally, N. peruvianus sp. nov. is characterised by its jellyfish-shaped onchium. A partial 28S rDNA sequence was obtained from N. celsomanueli sp. nov., and a phylogenetic analysis was conducted. This analysis revealed the phylogenetic position of Neotetraonchus celsomanueli sp. nov. within a clade comprising monopisthocotylean parasites of diadromous and marine ariid catfishes, including Hamatopeduncularia spp., Chauhanellus spp., Thysanotohaptor Kritsky, Shameem, Kumari & Krishnaveni, 2012, and Neocalceostomoides spinivaginalis Lim, 1995. This finding brings the number of known Neotetraonchus species to seven and represents the first described Neotetraonchus species infecting marine catfishes from Peru.

In this Reply to Critics, I respond to essays by Professors Alysia Blackham, Jessica Eisen, Pablo Gilabert, Andrea Sangiovanni, Dale Smith, Iyiola Solanke, and Daniel Viehoff on the theory of wrongful discrimination developed in my book, Faces of Inequality. Among the topics I discuss are: the relationship between equality and discrimination, the role of social subordination in my theory of wrongful discrimination, and methodology in discrimination theory.

In Faces of Inequality, Sophia Moreau offers a pluralist theory of discrimination, according to which discriminatory conduct involves one or more of (at least) three types of wrong. She claims, further, that each of these wrongs represents a failure to treat some people as the equal of others. I argue that this further claim is mistaken. I also suggest that there may be no need for a pluralist theory of discrimination to identify a property that is shared by the different types of wrong recognised by the theory (beyond the fact that each is present in cases of wrongful discrimination).

The concept of a forest transition – a regional shift from deforestation to forest recovery – tends to equate forest area expansion with sustainability, assuming that more forest is good for people and the environment. To promote debate and more just and ecologically sustainable outcomes during this period of intense focus on forests (such as the United Nations’ Decade on Ecological Restoration, the Trillion Trees initiative and at the United Nations’ Climate Change Conferences), we synthesize recent nuanced and integrated research to inform forest management and restoration in the future. Our results reveal nine pitfalls to assuming forest transitions and sustainability are automatically linked. The pitfalls are as follows: (1) fixating on forest quantity instead of quality; (2) masking local diversity with large-scale trends; (3) expecting U-shaped temporal trends of forest change; (4) failing to account for irreversibility; (5) framing categories and concepts as universal/neutral; (6) diverting attention from the simplification of forestlands into single-purpose conservation forests or intensive production lands; (7) neglecting social power transitions and dispossessions; (8) neglecting productivism as the hidden driving force; and (9) ignoring local agency and sentiments. We develop and illustrate these pitfalls with local- and national-level evidence from Southeast Asia and outline forward-looking recommendations for research and policy to address them. Forest transition research that neglects these pitfalls risks legitimizing unsustainable and unjust policies and programmes of forest restoration or tree planting.

In this introduction, I briefly summarize Sophia Moreau's Faces of Inequality. I situate her monograph within two highly contemporary bodies of literature — relational egalitarianism and discrimination theory — to show how it provides important insights for understanding both what it means to treat others as equals in society and how to define wrongful discrimination. Moreau's work on discrimination is of great relevance for philosophers and socio-legal theorists alike as the commentaries from the symposium contributors demonstrate, including Dale Smith, Pablo Gilabert, Andrea Sangiovanni, Daniel Viehoff, Jessica Eisen, Alysia Blackham, and Iyiola Solanke.

The war in Ukraine raises concerns for potential hazards of radiological and nuclear incidents. Children are particularly vulnerable in these incidents and may need pharmaceutical countermeasures, including antidotes and cytokines. Searches found no published study comparing pediatric indications and dosing among standard references detailing pediatric medications for these incidents. This study addresses this gap by collecting, tabulating, and disseminating this information to healthcare professionals caring for children. Expert consensus chose the following references to compare their pediatric indications and dosing of medical countermeasures for radiation exposure and internal contamination with radioactive materials: Advanced Hazmat Life Support (AHLS) for Radiological Incidents and Terrorism, DailyMed, Internal Contamination Clinical Reference, Medical Aspects of Radiation Incidents, and Medical Management of Radiological Casualties, as well as Micromedex, POISINDEX, and Radiation Emergency Medical Management (REMM). This is the first study comparing pediatric indications and dosing for medical countermeasures among commonly used references for radiological and nuclear incidents.

Cette étude se penche sur la communication du Parti conservateur du Québec (PCQ) sur Facebook et X au cours de l'année précédant l’élection générale québécoise de 2022. Basée sur une analyse de contenu d'un échantillon de 800 messages diffusés sur Facebook et X par le parti et son chef Éric Duhaime, l'analyse relève les éléments populistes des publications de même que les objectifs politiques de sa communication en ligne. L'article démontre comment le parti a utilisé ces plateformes numériques afin de tenter de mobiliser une base d’électeurs en contournant les filtres médiatiques traditionnels et en s'adressant directement aux électeurs afin de tirer profit du contexte médiatique hybride québécois. Deux conclusions découlent de nos analyses. Premièrement, le PCQ semble avoir employé un discours populiste à caractère antiélitiste de manière à exploiter une grogne pandémique présente au Québec. Deuxièmement, le parti a utilisé les fonctions de mobilisations qu'offrent les médias socionumériques afin de constituer une coalition d’électeurs.