This study examines the historical evolution of a Companion report detailing the burning of an unnamed man as punishment for assuming the passive role in male–male anal intercourse (liwāṭ). The genesis of this sexual passivity report can be traced back to an earlier incident involving Abū Bakr, in which the apostate al-Fujāʾa al-Salamī (d. 11/632) was executed by being burned alive for multiple offences, including apostasy, betrayal, and the slaughter of Muslims. This study investigates the transformation of the apostasy report into one specifically addressing male sexual passivity, analysing how these two accounts converged over time. It explores both the mechanisms and motivations behind their evolution into a punitive report focused on burning a man for his passive sexual role in liwāṭ. Additionally, it considers potential reasons for the development of this report, including the possibility that the phrase “he was penetrated like a woman” was initially used as a rhetorical insult directed at the apostate al-Fujāʾa, but gradually evolved in later sources into an association with the crime for which an unnamed man was purportedly punished with burning.

The cavities over the re-entry vehicle alter the aerothermodynamic properties, leading to enhanced thermal protection as well as effective aerothermodynamic performance. This paper investigates the estimation of aerothermodynamic properties over a re-entry vehicle with different types of cavities on the frontal face of the vehicle. The direct simulation Monte Carlo (DSMC) simulation of hypersonic flow over the Crew module Atmospheric Re-entry Experiment (CARE) capsule was simulated with the re-entry velocity of 7,422 m/s and the freestream temperature of 225 K at an altitude of 110 km. A transient flow Knudsen number of 0.1 and air consists of 78.09% of ${N_2}$ and 21.91% of ${O_2}$ are used in the simulations. Two types of cavities, namely trapezoidal and the semi-circular cavity on the frontal face of the re-entry vehicle with different length to depth ratios, are analysed. The simulation results show that the recirculation regions are formed at the base of the cavity in the case of a cavity with sharp corners, whereas in the case of a cavity with rounded corners, the recirculation formed at the lip of the cavity for both trapezoidal and the semi-circular cavities. Increasing the length and depth of the cavity leads to smaller decrement in the drag when compared to the capsule without cavity for both trapezoidal and the semi-circular cavities. The heat flux is low for a cavity with the small L/D ratio (L/D = 0.5) for both fixed length and depth for trapezoidal-type cavity, whereas for large L/D ratio (L/D = 1.5) increasing the length of the cavity increases the overall heat flux.

This article examines working-class views of the Tammany Hall political machine and its main opposition parties between 1870 and 1924. Previous historians, relying mostly on accounts from machine politicians like George Washington Plunkitt, have tended to argue that Tammany Hall enjoyed popularity among working-class New Yorkers in this period because it offered them effective forms of material aid through the practice of job patronage and informal acts of charity. This article complicates that assertion by examining accounts and voting records from working-class individuals themselves. It finds that, while patronage and informal charity were indeed popular with working-class voters in this period, they were often dissatisfied with most other aspects of Tammany Hall governance, such as its reputation for corruption or inefficient delivering of city services. Working-class voters only continued to vote for Tammany Hall because the machine’s political rivals were generally led by wealthy reformers who repeatedly and openly disparaged members of the working class in their speeches and supported policies that were even more unpopular with working-class voters than Tammany Hall’s governance.

When Ulysses S. Grant succumbed to cancer on July 23, 1885, the nation mourned the loss of one of its greatest generals and the first president to enforce the civil rights of African Americans. As scholars are increasingly recognizing, many Republicans remained committed to the protection of Black suffrage as late as 1890, but in exploring the reaction to Grant’s death, Civil War memory scholars have overlooked the importance of memories of Grant’s presidency. Through an examination of newspapers and biographies in the months after Grant’s death and the immediate years thereafter, up to 1890, this article demonstrates that Americans of all political stripes used their memories of Grant’s presidency to aid their long-term political goals of either restricting or promoting Black civil rights. Democrats and reform-minded Republicans tried to denigrate Grant’s administration for supposed corruption while still applauding his magnanimity at Appomattox. In contrast, their Republican opponents, Black and white, contested this memory by constructing a politically purposeful memory of Grant’s Reconstruction-era politics as part of their ongoing fight to enforce Black voting rights and by extension secure the fruits of Union military victory. In doing so, Americans demonstrated that they remained unreconciled and divided on both the battlefields of Civil War memory and Reconstruction.

This article, prepared for the symposium, “Law, Christianity, Racial Justice: Shaping the Future,” puts Martin Luther King Jr.’s call for a “revolution in values” and radical change in prevailing political convictions within the context of contemporary liberal theory, liberal legal thought, and critical race theory. The author argues that Rawlsian political theory and liberal legal thought largely overlook the need to transform the underlying political convictions that are at the root of racial injustice. In contrast, as did King, critical race theory recognizes the importance of extra-legal attitudes in producing and sustaining injustice. But, in part because of its skepticism of objective truth, critical race theory does not cogently reveal how convictions can be changed. In contrast to both liberalism and critical race theory, King’s pastoral vocation, experiential approach to truth, and commitment to wielding nonviolent coercive power offers a promising path for fostering changes in existing political and moral convictions and thereby opens a path to wider social change, including structural change. Given the importance of the pastoral vocation to King’s work, the author concludes that scholarship at the intersection of Christianity, race, and the law might have its most practical impact in the hands of the pastorate.

In this paper, we introduce and validate signal processing techniques for the estimation of the individual rotation rates of multicopter’s Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV), by exploiting a multistatic radar echoes. To validate the techniques, which have been introduced in our previous works, in this paper, we present a simulator for the multistatic radar echoes scattered by a UAV that integrates quadcopter’s aerodynamics with electromagnetic modeling to generate realistic radar return, characterized by blades rotating in different directions and with different rates depending on the flight trajectory to be traveled. This simulator enables the validation of signal processing.

We leverage the simulator to assess the effectiveness of autocorrelation and cross-correlation (XCF) techniques in separating multiple propellers, both in hovering and along a realistic flight trajectory. Simulated results confirm that XCF allows distinguishing counter-rotating propellers, while co-rotating ones remain unresolved due to their similar speeds. The simulator also demonstrates how variations in rotation rates can be used to infer the presence and weight of a payload. Experimental validation with a C-band continuous wave radar confirms the findings and highlights the impact of material properties on resolution. Finally, we exploit the simulator to investigate the effect of higher carrier frequencies, showing that increasing the operating frequency improves the ability to discriminate co-rotating propellers, supporting improved UAV classification, payload estimation, and trajectory prediction for anti-drone applications.

More autonomous humanitarian international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) have greater capacity to determine who receives aid among conflict- and crisis-affected populations than their donor-following counterparts. The latter are more likely to become instruments of states seeking geostrategic influence in places like Syria and Ukraine. Drawing on more than 120 interviews with INGO and donor agency workers, 10 months of political ethnography among INGOs working with refugees in Lebanon and Jordan after the war in Syria, and content analysis of organizational documents, this article investigates the ways that INGOs secure autonomy from donors. In a theory-building exercise, it introduces the concept of negotiation experience to explain why some INGOs develop skills and strategies that allow them to resist donor demands. It also identifies some of the tactics used by experienced negotiators to do so. The findings have implications for who controls and is accountable for humanitarian policy and practice, as well as the abilities of state donors to influence humanitarian behavior. They call into question expectations that INGOs “scramble” for funds under conditions of funding scarcity.