In the last decade, scholars in the Developmental Origins of Health and Disease (DOHaD) have increasingly engaged in translating the field’s insights into policy and society. Several multidisciplinary advocacy groups have been formed to promote women’s reproductive health as well as maternal and child health. They have framed DOHaD in different ways in order to attract policy attention. Framing is the practice of contextualising and interpreting the meaning of research results in various communication activities. Overall, DOHaD has often been shown to exhibit a narrow focus on individual responsibility and translation at the clinician–patient interface instead of focusing on wider socio-economic, cultural, and political factors influencing health in its framing activities. In this chapter, we examine two case studies of multidisciplinary networks (the Venice Forum and UK Preconception Partnership) and explore how they have framed DOHaD findings when communicating with and for policymakers. We analyse the social valences of these framings and make recommendations for framing DOHaD in ways that better align with social justice and health equity goals.

The electroweak unification appears mainly in the neutral current processes. The transition probabilities of all of them are predicted in terms of the weak mixing angle. Measuring the weak mixing angle.

Theory predicts the existence of three vector bosons, W+, W− and Z0. It does not predict their masses, but precisely states how they are related with two measured quantities: the Fermi constant and the weak mixing angle. The UA1 experiment and the discovery of the vector bosons.

The precision tests of the electroweak theory performed at the LEP electron–positron collider and at the Tevatron proton–antiproton collider.

The last missing element of the SM, the Higgs boson. The spontaneous symmetry breaking and the boson. The searches at LEP and at the Tevatron. The Large Hadron Collider and the ATLAS and CMS experiments. The discovery of 2012. Checking Higgs physics, measuring its mass and width, its spin and parity, its couplings to the bosons and to the fermions. All agree with the predictions of the Standard Model, so completing the experimental verification of its basic building blocks.

DOHaD and epigenetic research that investigates causal mechanisms and predictive biomarkers has often occurred in the absence of discussion of ethical, legal, and social implications or engagement with disability communities. These implications include maternal blaming, labelling, stigmatisation, and ableism. Considering the debate on different models of disability by disability activists and social scientists, this is a timely opportunity to optimise the design of epigenetic research into conditions labelled as disabilities. Research aims should address the needs of disability communities, acknowledge diversity, and move away from medical to social models of disability. Here we focus on the autistic community as an example. We argue that there is a need to work with autistic people and their supporters to co-design studies that facilitate a better understanding of autism’s challenges and assets and to use this knowledge to assist these individuals and communities. We also stress the importance of autonomy and information provision in relation to autistic individuals’ engagement with epigenetics tests. We conclude by urging researchers planning DOHaD and epigenetics research to listen to and engage with disability communities when they say, ‘nothing about us without us’.

This chapter analyzes the stepwise formation of the functional germ cell concept of sustainable mobility for elderly home care clients, following the principle of ascending from the abstract to the concrete. During a lengthy process of intervention research, a new instrument called mobility agreement was introduced to facilitate the inclusion of regular mobility exercises in home care visits and in the daily lives of the clients. In encounters between home care workers and their elderly clients, aimed at implementation of the mobility agreement, the new concept of mobility began to emerge. The simple action of standing up from the chair is the core of this concept. The formation and expansion of the germ cell took place primarily by means of bodily movements and sensations, supported by simple pictorial artifacts.

Collective concept formation in the wild may be seen as creation of new worlds, condensed or crystallized in a future-oriented concept. In some cases, collective concept formation in the wild seems to move with the name of the concept in the lead, as if in search for contents for the name. In other cases, concept formation seems to move practically in the opposite order, with the embodied and enacted novel pattern of activity in the lead, but not having a name for it. The name may be attached to this novel pattern of activity only much later. This chapter examines these opposite-looking directions of concept formation, with the aim of constructing an explanatory framework for further analyses of the dynamics of collective concept formation as creation. Although the starting points were different in the three cases discussed in this chapter, concept formation in each case moved in a spiral-like way in the same direction. This corresponds to the basic logic of ascending from the abstract to the concrete, or expansive learning. Creativity in these cases appears as practitioners’ and their clients’ collective efforts and struggles to redefine the idea of their activities – to construct and implement qualitatively new concepts to guide and organize the work practice.

This chapter analyzes the class base of support for left-wing parties in Western Europe, in light of early political socialization and patterns of intergenerational social mobility. We ask to what extent contemporary left-wing party support is a legacy of political socialization in the traditional social democratic constituency class of industrial workers – and if this is a sustainable model for future social democratic support considering postindustrial occupational transformation and upgrading. By investigating support for the Social Democrats in contrast to green and left-libertarian, radical left, and moderate and radical right parties, we identify the main competitors of the Social Democrats among classes traditionally associated with social democratic support. Analyses using the European Social Survey (2002–10) indicate three main findings. First, the composition of the electorates indicates that Social Democrats rely more than other parties on support from individuals socialized in the industrial working class, while contemporary patterns show that one-third of the social democratic electorate now stems from the middle class and workers make up the largest part of the radical right electorate. Second, as expected, contemporary middle-class social democratic support is largely a legacy from socialization in the working class, especially among older generations in Northwestern Europe. Third, new legacies are being built along postindustrially realigned patterns, as offspring of sociocultural professionals is relatively more likely to vote for the Left, but for the Green Left or Radical Left instead of the Social Democrats. However, the impact of socialization among younger generations appears to be weaker than the one identified for working-class origins in older generations. These results imply that relying on middle-class support alone is not a viable long-term strategy for the Social Democrats, given the seemingly unique impact of past industrial alignments that is unparalleled by other class–party linkages among younger generations.

DOHaD research in economics finds inequitable health and labour market outcomes but lacks insight into structural factors that contribute to disparities. In practice, social relations like racism, sexism, and ableism can translate into inequitable ‘returns to investment’ in ‘human capital’. DOHaD literature in economics could contribute more to understanding the determinants of health. It is limited by a narrow focus on molecular factors and the decontextualised use of demographic variables, which should be interpreted as proxies for hierarchical power relations. Excluding systems of oppression from analyses renders inequity-generating social structures less visible instead of clarifying their unjust consequences. Egalitarian economic approaches can address the failure to adequately integrate social structures with historically grounded, socially informed analyses. This chapter demonstrates how by tracing the devaluation of reproductive labour in economic thought to the reduction of women and girls to their reproductive roles in the DOHaD literature. The marginalisation of women’s labour and of women’s economic research contributes to the dehumanising instrumentalisation of women in orthodox economic research in DOHaD. The analysis reveals risks for women and girls, linking DOHaD literature to debates about ’foetal personhood’, women’s autonomy, and gender inequity.