Support for a high-ambition plastics treaty is gaining strength, particularly within global civil society and among lower-income developing countries. Still, opposition to binding measures – such as obligations to regulate petrochemicals or reduce global plastics production – remains intense and widespread. We propose the concept of a “petrochemical historical bloc” to help reveal the depth and extent of the forces opposing strong global governance of plastics. At the bloc’s core are petrostates and industry, especially producers of oil and gas feedstock, petrochemicals and plastics. Extending its influence are broader social forces – including certain political and economic institutions, consultancy firms and nongovernmental organizations – that reinforce and legitimize the discourses and tactics thwarting a high-ambition treaty. This bloc is driving up plastics production, externalizing the costs of pollution, distorting scientific knowledge and lobbying to derail negotiations. Yet the petrochemical historical bloc is neither monolithic nor all-powerful. Investigating differing interests and evolving politics within this bloc, we contend, can expose disingenuous rhetoric, weaken low-ambition alliances and reveal opportunities to overcome resistance to ambitious governance. In light of this, and toward highlighting fractures and potential counter-alliances and strategies, we call for a global research inquiry to map the full scope and nature of the petrochemical historical bloc.

When deciding whether to support a military operation, do citizens in democracies weigh whether soldiers themselves support the operation? Recent research has concluded that, in the United States, public support for military operations rests in part on people’s beliefs that soldiers favor their own deployment. However, it is not known whether this finding extends beyond the United States to democracies with diverse national citizenship discourses and threat profiles, and its theoretical basis is not well understood. This article addresses both these gaps. Using novel survey data and an experiment in four democracies with divergent citizenship traditions—France, Israel, the United Kingdom, and the United States—we show that, in all four nations, support for military operations depends significantly on whether people believe that soldiers themselves favor the operation. We highlight two reasons: (1) battlefield performance (respondents think that soldiers who favor their mission fight better), and (2) soldier consent (humans’ capacity for empathy makes them sensitive to whether soldiers are willingly sent into harm’s way). This article has significant implications for debates on public support for the use of military force, the nature of citizenship in modern democracies, and contemporary militarism.

The electrochemical properties of kaolinite before and after modification with chlorodimethyl-octadecylsilane have been studied by electrophoretic mobility, surface charge titration, and extrapolated yield stress measurements as a function of pH and ionic strength. A heteropolar model of kaolinite, which views the particles as having a pH-independent permanent negative charge on the basal planes and a pH-dependent charge on the edges, has been used to model the data. The zeta potential and surface charge titration experimental data have been used simultaneously to calculate acid and ion complexation equilibrium constants using a surface complex model of the oxide-solution interface. The experimental data were modeled following subtraction of the basal plane constant negative charge, describing only the edge electrical double layer properties. Extrapolated yield stress measurements along with the electrochemical data were used to determine the edge isoelectric points for both the unmodified and modified kaolinite and were found to occur at pH values of 5.25 and 6.75, respectively. Acidity and ion complexation constants were calculated for both sets of data before and after surface modification. The acidity constants, pKa1 = 5.0 and pKa2 = 6.0, calculated for unmodified kaolinite, correlate closely with acidity constants determined by oxide studies for acidic sites on alumina and silica, respectively, and were, therefore, assigned to pH-dependent specific chemical surface hydroxyl groups on the edges of kaolinite. The parameters calculated for the modified kaolinite indicate that the silane has reacted with these pH-dependent hydroxyl groups causing both a change in their acidity and a concomitant decrease in their ionization capacity. Infrared data show that the long chain hydrocarbon silane is held by strong bonding to the kaolinite surface as it remains attached after washing with cyclohexane, heating, and dispersion in an aqueous environment.

Recent measurements from Mars document X-ray amorphous/nano-crystalline materials in multiple locations across the planet. Despite their prevalence, however, little is known about these materials or what their presence implies for the history of Mars. The X-ray amorphous component of the martian soil in Gale crater has an X-ray diffraction pattern that can be fit partially with allophane (approximately Al2O3⋅(SiO2)1.3–2⋅(H2O)2.5–3), and the low-temperature water-release data are consistent with allophane. The chemical data from Gale crater suggest that other silicate materials similar to allophane, such as Fe-substituted allophane (approximately (Fe2O3)0.01–0.5(Al2O3)0.5–0.99⋅(SiO2)2⋅3H2O), may also be present. In order to investigate the properties of these potential poorly crystalline components of the martian soil, Fe-free allophane (Fe:Al = 0), Fe-poor allophane (Fe:Al = 1:99), and Fe-rich allophane (Fe:Al = 1:1) were synthesized and then characterized using electron microscopy and Mars-relevant techniques, including infrared spectroscopy, X-ray diffraction, and evolved gas analysis. Dissolution experiments were performed under acidic (initial pH values pH0 = 3.01, pH0 = 5.04), near-neutral (pH0 = 6.99), and alkaline (pH0 = 10.4) conditions in order to determine dissolution kinetics and alteration phases for these poorly crystalline materials. Dissolution rates (rdiss), based on the rate of Si release into solution, show that these poorly crystalline materials dissolve approximately an order of magnitude faster than crystalline phases with similar compositions at all pH conditions. For Fe-free allophane, logrdiss = –10.65–0.15 × pH; for Fe-poor allophane, logrdiss = –10.35–0.22 × pH; and for Fe-rich allophane, logrdiss = –11.46–0.042 × pH at 25°C, where rdiss has the units of mol m–2 s–1. The formation of incipient phyllosilicate-like phases was detected in Fe-free and Fe-rich allophane reacted in aqueous solutions with pH0 = 10.4 (steady-state pH ≈ 8). Mars-analog instrument analyses demonstrate that Fe-free allophane, Fe-poor allophane, and Fe-rich allophane are appropriate analogs for silicate phases in the martian amorphous soil component. Therefore, similar materials on Mars must have had limited interaction with liquid water since their formation. Combined with chemical changes expected from weathering, such as phyllosilicate formation, the rapid alteration of these poorly crystalline materials may be a useful tool for evaluating the extent of aqueous alteration in returned samples of martian soils.

Thirty years after the discovery of an Early Neolithic timber hall at Balbridie in Scotland was reported in Antiquity, new analysis of the site's archaeobotanical assemblage, featuring 20 000 cereal grains preserved when the building burnt down in the early fourth millennium BC, provides new insights into early farming practices. The results of stable isotope analyses of cereals from Balbridie, alongside archaeobotanical and stable isotope results from three other sites, indicate that while cereals were successfully cultivated in well-established plots without manuring at Balbridie, a variety of manuring strategies was implemented at the other sites. These differences reinforce the picture of variability in cultivation practices across Neolithic North-west Europe.

Transgender inclusion within policy is critical yet often missing. We propose a policy tool to assesses human rights, access to resources and opportunities, language, and implications for transgender and nonbinary individuals. Acknowledging trans communities as standard policy practice can serve as an essential practice to shift dialogue and norms.

The burden of this essay is to show that Friedrich Schleiermacher's theology of the atonement and account of Christ's soteriological work as priest is marked by recognisably Reformed commitments and logics that both build from and critique John Calvin and later Reformed scholastics. The essay contends that it is when Schleiermacher departs strongly from orthodox conclusions regarding substitutionary atonement that he mostly clearly appeals to key aspects of Reformed theology. Put differently, when Schleiermacher critiques the material content of Reformed orthodoxy, he does so by drawing on other doctrinal claims that are fundamental in Reformed thought: the divine decree, union with Christ, the import of sanctification and the interconnection between dogmatic expression and Christian piety. Schleiermacher presents creative solutions to theological conundrums, particularly those that plague Calvin and the later Reformed tradition about the relationship between God's eternal decree of grace and the appeasement of divine wrath on the cross.

An influential model of democratic civil-military relations insists that civilian politicians and officials, accountable to the public, have “the right to be wrong” about the use of force: they, not senior military officers, decide when force will be used and set military strategy. While polls have routinely asked about Americans’ trust in the military, they have rarely probed deeply into Americans’ views of civil-military relations. We report and analyze the results of a June 2019 survey that yields two important, and troubling, findings. First, Americans do not accept the basic premises of democratic civil-military relations. They are extraordinarily deferential to the military’s judgment regarding when to use military force, and they are comfortable with high-ranking officers intervening in public debates over policy. Second, in this polarized age, Americans’ views of civil-military relations are not immune to partisanship. Consequently, with their man in the Oval Office in June 2019, Republicans—who, as political conservatives, might be expected to be more deferential to the military—were actually less so. And Democrats, similarly putting ideology aside, wanted the military to act as a check on a president they abhorred. The stakes are high: democracy is weakened when civilians relinquish their “right to be wrong.”