Centripetal approaches to democracy in divided societies seek to promote inter-ethnic accommodation and moderation by making politicians dependent on the electoral support of groups other than their own base. Such cross-ethnic voting stands in contrast to situations where politicians need only the support of their own co-ethnics to win elections. This distinction can be used to evaluate the utility of centripetal electoral systems in promoting voting across ethnic divides. To do so, this article begins by considering some critiques of centripetalism, showing that cross-ethnic voting is more common in both institutional design and actual practice than some critics believe. It then moves on to examine cases of cross-ethnic voting via ethnically designated party lists, cross-regional party formation rules, at-large communal or sectoral seat reservations, and uni-directional vote-pooling, using these cases to construct an index of strong, moderate and weak centripetal electoral systems.

The effect of initial conditions on transition to turbulence is studied in a variable-density shock-driven flow. Richtmyer–Meshkov instability (RMI) evolution of fluid interfaces with two different imposed initial perturbations is observed before and after interaction with a second shock reflected from the end wall of a shock tube (reshock). The first perturbation is a predominantly single-mode long-wavelength interface which is formed by inclining the entire tube to 80 $^{\circ }$ relative to the horizontal, yielding an amplitude-to-wavelength ratio, $\unicode[STIX]{x1D702}/\unicode[STIX]{x1D706}=0.088$ , and thus can be considered as half the wavelength of a triangular wave. The second interface is multi-mode, and contains additional shorter-wavelength perturbations due to the imposition of shear and buoyancy on the inclined perturbation of the first case. In both cases, the interface consists of a nitrogen-acetone mixture as the light gas over carbon dioxide as the heavy gas (Atwood number, $A\sim 0.22$ ) and the shock Mach number is $M\approx 1.55$ . The initial condition was characterized through Proper Orthogonal Decomposition and density energy spectra from a large set of initial condition images. The evolving density and velocity fields are measured simultaneously using planar laser-induced fluorescence (PLIF) and particle image velocimetry (PIV) techniques. Density, velocity, and density–velocity cross-statistics are calculated using ensemble averaging to investigate the effects of additional modes on the mixing and turbulence quantities. The density and velocity data show that a distinct memory of the initial conditions is maintained in the flow before interaction with reshock. After reshock, the influence of the long-wavelength inclined perturbation present in both initial conditions is still apparent, but the distinction between the two cases becomes less evident as smaller scales are present even in the single-mode case. Several methods are used to calculate the Reynolds number and turbulence length scales, which indicate a transition to a more turbulent state after reshock. Further evidence of transition to turbulence after reshock is observed in the velocity and density fluctuation spectra, where a scaling close to $k^{-5/3}$ is observed for almost one decade, and in the enstrophy fluctuation spectra, where a scaling close to $k^{1/3}$ is observed for a similar range. Also, based on normalized cross correlation spectra, local isotropy is reached at lower wave numbers in the multi-mode case compared with the single-mode case before reshock. By breakdown of large scales to small scales after reshock, rapid decay can be observed in cross-correlation spectra in both cases.

Using Przeworski et al.’s paradigmatic work on democracy and development as a touchstone, this review examines East Asia’s lessons for comparative politics. It focuses particularly on the challenges that China and South-East Asia present for modernization theory, a foundation stone of political science. In most of the rich world, including north-east Asian cases of modernization such as Korea and Taiwan, economic development and democratization have tended to go hand in hand. In South-East Asia, by contrast, almost none of the expected relationships between democracy and development seems to work. The most striking anomaly of all today is China, which appears to be moving ever further away from democratic reform as it grows richer. This disjuncture between theory and practice is explored, along with other, more positive, East Asian contributions to scholarship on democracy and development.

Over the past two decades, numerous East Asian states have undergone transitions to democracy. One of the most distinctive aspects of democratization has been the way East Asian democracies have sought to manage political change by institutional innovations that aim to influence the development of the region's party systems. These reforms have typically tried to promote more centrist and stable politics by encouraging fewer, and hence larger, political parties. The result is an increasing evolution of the region's electoral and party system constellations toward more majoritarian elections and, in some cases, nascent two-party systems.

In what countries and among which individuals in Asia is China's influence seen as least favorable? Drawing upon AsiaBarometer survey data from 12 Asian societies between 2006 and 2008, this study tests a series of hypotheses aimed at identifying those variables that most consistently predict individuals’ perceptions of China. With the exceptions of Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and Vietnam, a clear plurality or a majority of respondents in each polity views China's influence positively. Concerns about domestic economic management were most consistently associated with perceptions of China that are more unfavorable, while greater levels of contact with the Chinese film and television culture were consistently associated with perceptions of China that are more favorable. These results suggest that China is more likely to be seen as an economic rather than military threat by Asian publics, and that Asia may prove responsive to a nuanced soft power campaign by Beijing in the future.

Google Insights for Search provides a new and rich data source for political scientists, which may be particularly useful for state politics scholars. We outline the prior uses of Google Insights for Search in social and health sciences, explain the data-generating process, and test for the first time the validity of this data for state politics research. Our empirical test of validity shows that Google searches for ballot measures' names and topics in state one week before the 2008 Presidential election correlate with actual participation on those ballot measures. This demonstrates that the more Internet searches there were for a ballot measure, the less likely voters were to rolloff (not answering the question), and establishes the construct validity for this data for one important topic in state politics research. We also outline the limitations to this data source.

Over the past several decades, numerous investigators have studied the syndrome of delirium. Researchers have relied on a number of different case finding methods to detect the syndrome. This paper provides an overview of instruments used in studies of delirium. We assess the validity and reliability of these instruments and compare the advantages and disadvantages of the different methods. We then present the rationale for the development of the Delirium Symptom Interview, an instrument constructed for use in the Commonwealth-Harvard Study of delirium in elderly hospitalized patients.

There has long been agreement among scholars that the French National Convention can be usefully divided into three political categories, the Mountain, the Plain, and the Gironde, yet there has been much less agreement about the size and composition of these categories. In order to test existing categories of classification, especially those of Patrick (1969, 1972) and Lewis-Beck et al. (1988), this article examines a neglected body of data, the anti-inviolability opinions produced during King Louis XVI's trial, and uses them as an opinion poll with which to examine the political identity of a cross-section of deputies in the National Convention in the winter of 1792-93.