Past work on closed-ended survey responses demonstrates that inferring stable political attitudes requires separating signal from noise in “top of the head” answers to researchers’ questions. We outline a corresponding theory of the open-ended response, in which respondents make narrow, stand-in statements to convey more abstract, general attitudes. We then present a method designed to infer those attitudes. Our approach leverages co-variation with words used relatively frequently across respondents to infer what else they could have said without substantively changing what they meant—linking narrow themes to each other through associations with contextually prevalent words. This reflects the intuition that a respondent may use different specific statements at different points in time to convey similar meaning. We validate this approach using panel data in which respondents answer the same open-ended questions (concerning healthcare policy, most important problems, and evaluations of political parties) at multiple points in time, showing that our method’s output consistently exhibits higher within-subject correlations than hand-coding of narrow response categories, topic modeling, and large language model output. Finally, we show how large language models can be used to complement—but not, at present, substitute—our “implied word” method.

Information on social media is characterized by networked curation processes in which users select other users from whom to receive information, and those users in turn share information that promotes their identities and interests. We argue this allows for partisan “curation bubbles” of users who share and consume content with consistent appeal drawn from a variety of sources. Yet, research concerning the extent of filter bubbles, echo chambers, or other forms of politically segregated information consumption typically conceptualizes information’s partisan valence at the source level as opposed to the story level. This can lead domain-level measures of audience partisanship to mischaracterize the partisan appeal of sources’ constituent stories—especially for sources estimated to be more moderate. Accounting for networked curation aligns theory and measurement of political information consumption on social media.

Critical Race Theory (CRT) has become a flashpoint of elite political discord, yet how Americans actually perceive CRT is unclear. We theorize that Republican elites utilized a strong framing strategy to re-define CRT as an “empty signifier” representing broader racial and cultural grievances. Using a survey and a pre-registered experiment among U.S. adults (N = 19,060), we find that this strategy worked. Republicans exhibit more familiarity with CRT and hold more negatively valenced (and wide ranging) sentiments toward CRT, relative to Democrats. Moreover, compared to teaching the legacy of racism in schools, Republicans are significantly more opposed to teaching CRT while Democrats express greater uncertainty. Our findings suggest that by framing CRT as a broad term that envelopes many grievances (including those beyond the scope of CRT), Republican elites have shaped a subset of Americans’ understanding of and attitudes toward CRT.

Gun ownership is a highly consequential political behavior. It often signifies a belief about the inadequacy of state-provided security and leads to membership in a powerful political constituency. As a result, it is important to understand why people buy guns and how shifting purchasing patterns affect the composition of the broader gun-owning community. We address these topics by exploring the dynamics of the gun-buying spike that took place during the COVID-19 pandemic, which was one of the largest in American history. We find that feelings of diffuse threat prompted many individuals to buy guns. Moreover, we show that new gun owners, even more than buyers who already owned guns, exhibit strong conspiracy and anti-system beliefs. These findings have substantial consequences for the subsequent population of gun owners and provide insight into how social disruptions can alter the nature of political groups.

Politics and science have become increasingly intertwined. Salient scientific issues, such as climate change, evolution, and stem-cell research, become politicized, pitting partisans against one another. This creates a challenge of how to effectively communicate on such issues. Recent work emphasizes the need for tailored messages to specific groups. Here, we focus on whether generalized messages also can matter. We do so in the context of a highly polarized issue: extreme COVID-19 vaccine resistance. The results show that science-based, moral frame, and social norm messages move behavioral intentions, and do so by the same amount across the population (that is, homogeneous effects). Counter to common portrayals, the politicization of science does not preclude using broad messages that resonate with the entire population.

Debates over the extent to which racial attitudes and economic distress explain voting behavior in the 2016 election have tended to be limited in scope, focusing on the extent to which each factor explains white voters’ two-party vote choice. This limited scope obscures important ways in which these factors could have been related to voting behavior among other racial sub-groups of the electorate, as well as participation in the two-party contest in the first place. Using the vote-validated 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Survey, merged with economic data at the ZIP code and county levels, we find that racial attitudes strongly explain two-party vote choice among white voters—in line with a growing body of literature. However, we also find that local economic distress was strongly associated with non-voting among people of color, complicating direct comparisons between racial and economic explanations of the 2016 election and cautioning against generalizations regarding causal emphasis.

Patients may present to Emergency Departments (ED) in shock for various reasons. Emergency medicine physicians may require the use of vasopressors or inotropes to manage these patients. The Critical Care Practice Committee of the Canadian Association of Emergency Physicians (C4) conducted an intensive literature search and guideline development process to help create an evidence based approach for use of these agents in the stabilization of shock.

The ability to recover bacteria from frozen culture specimens has important implications. The purpose of this study was to validate the utility of frozen specimens for recovery of several gram-positive and gram-negative bacterial species by culture. Results demonstrate that 98% of 250 bacterial isolates identified on initial culture were subsequently recovered by culture of frozen specimens after a median storage period of 564 days.

Molecular laboratory techniques were used to study the epidemiology of an outbreak of nosocomial Legionnaires' disease. All patient isolates were Legionella pneumophila serogroup 1 and showed identical plasmid profiles and reactions with serogroup-specific monoclonal antibodies. L pneumophila was also cultured from four of five cooling tower water samples; however, the isolate from only one tower was serogroup 1 of the same sub-type as patient isolates. Since the cases were temporally clustered and epidemiologically associated with exposure to cooling tower aerosols, the single cooling tower implicated by molecular analysis was the most likely source of the outbreak. Chlorination of cooling tower ponds has eradicated the epidemic strain. Since potable water also harbored the infecting organism and was the probable source for cooling tower contamination, decontamination of the hospital water system was also undertaken. Superchlorination of hot water holding tanks to 17 ppm on a weekly basis has effectively eradicated L pneumophila from the potable water system and appears to be a reasonable, simple, and relatively inexpensive alternative to previously described methods of control.