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The English language has been attested in Ireland since the late twelfth century but did not become widespread until the beginning of the seventeenth century when vigorous planting of English settlers took place. Distinct forms of Irish English began to develop which were a mixture of diverse dialectal inputs from England and transfer phenomena from Irish as the native population began to switch to the language of the colonisers. Almost as the same time as planting of English settlers started there was a movement out of Ireland, either by deportation or voluntary emigration, largely due to economic circumstances. This led to areas in overseas anglophone regions showing centres of Irish emigration, e.g. Appalachia with eighteenth-century Ulster Scots or the north-eastern coast of the USA with nineteenth-century southern Irish Catholics. At these locations the linguistic impact of Irish English was slight but traces can be found still which testify to this input.
The New Cambridge History of the English Language is aimed at providing a contemporary and comprehensive overiew of English, tracing its roots in Germanic and investigating the contact scenarios in which the language has been an active participant. It discusses the various models and methodologies that have been developed to analyse diachronic data concisely and consistently. The new history furthermore examines the trajectories the language has embarked on during its spread worldwide and presents overviews of the varieties of English found throughout the world today.
In its history, the phonology of Irish English went through a number of stages in which features arose and subsequently declined. Many of the traits to be seen in the textual record for early modern Irish English were lost by the nineteenth century, with others being retained, such as the incomplete long vowel shift and dentalisation of stops before R. The early twentieth century saw a change in supraregional Irish English given the endonormative reorientation which set in after independence in 1922. Language contact between Irish and English has been a consistent theme in Ireland’s history and has led to a prolonged language shift, which culminated in the accelerated switch in the mid nineteenth century with the vast majority of the population being native speakers of English by the onset of the twentieth century. The language shift also resulted in many instances of grammatical transfer from Irish to English, a small number of which remained emblematic of Irish English and have survived to this day.
The city dialect of Liverpool has a unique profile in the context of other urban varieties in Britain. It is well known for such features as stop lenition and the NURSE–SQUARE merger, along with TH-stopping, these traits in combination forming a set which is not replicated elsewhere. The present study examines the historical background to Liverpool English, its geographical position in relation to the counties of Cheshire to the south and Lancashire to the north. In addition, the role of immigration to the city, especially that of Irish people in the nineteenth century, is discussed and the role which this input may have played in determining the developmental course for Liverpool English is evaluated. Finally, the current position of local speech in the city is examined and possible future pathways are indicated.
This chapter considers the recent history of spoken London English, from the latter half of the nineteenth century to the present. Focusing on the variety furthest from the standard, the chapter begins with an overview of the traditional dialect of Cockney, prevalent in London at the beginning of this period and associated with the densely populated, working-class neighbourhoods of the ‘East End’ of London. It then considers important socio-historical and demographic changes that have taken place in London since the mid twentieth century and that have had linguistic consequences. In the final sections, the focus shifts to two large-scale sociolinguistic studies conducted between 2004 and 2010 and describes the emergence and characteristics of Multicultural London English (MLE), arising as a result of language contact and group second language acquisition. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the role that language attitudes may play in the entrenchment of this new urban London English vernacular.
The concluding chapter summarizes the results and emphasizes the impact of the findings on future heritage language research and studies on bilingualism and language change in general: It stresses the necessity of including grammatical and pragmatic contact phenomena and discusses the importance of the interplay of extralinguistic factors and various types of linguistic developments: acquisition context, impact of schooling and literacy, contact with different registers and speakers. It explains individual processes in heritage language speakers, such as entrenchment processes, co-active activation of languages in the bilingual brain, as well as language awareness and metalinguistic knowledge. In addition, the role of normativity in diaspora communities, the challenge of relic varieties and the role of Standard German as language of schooling are discussed. Moreover, the chapter includes general observations on language maintenance in German heritage communities. It emphasizes the implications for future research: implications for the development of the German language in general, implications for the theory of language contact and implications for heritage language research.
This chapter addresses the theoretical reflections on language contact, language attrition and other processes of cross-linguistic influence in minority and migrant settings. It starts with a definition of the term language attrition and the various factors that are responsible for attrition processes, such as L1 use and exposure, input and intergenerational transmission. The chapter also discusses the term “incomplete acquisition” and focusses on bilingual experience and different heritage language constellations. The second part of the chapter offers a novel approach to language contact based on cognitive grammar and usage-based assumptions. This includes a lexicon-syntax continuum based on different cognitive schemas that affect transfer processes. After defining the theoretical basis, the chapter proposes a typology of transference based on this model, distinguishing between full transference (form and meaning transference), meaning transference and structural transference. Further discussion is dedicated to reduction and restructuring processes that occur independently from the typological closeness of or distance from the contact language. The final section describes the consequences of the aforementioned phenomena for heritage language research focusing on the interdependence of individual and societal language change.
Heritage languages are those spoken as a first language in immigrant communities where another language is dominant. This book provides a novel approach to heritage language research by focusing on German as it is spoken in a range of German-origin immigrant communities around the world. It demonstrates, using German as a unique example, how a language can develop under the influence of diverse replica languages on the one hand, and different sociolinguistic conditions on the other. It also includes a new theory of language contact, which combines cognitive approaches on multilingual language representation and language processing, with usage-based frameworks. The analyses cover processes of lexical and semantic transfer, morphosyntactic and syntactic changes and pragmatic aspects, and account for the influence of external factors on individual variation. In addition, the book analyzes socio-psychological aspects, namely attitudes towards language and language awareness, and their influence on individual language maintenance.
In this article, I focus on the intonation patterns of Turkish-German bilinguals to discuss intonation within the context of language contact and language variation. The intonational variance involves the realization of terminal rises as produced by second- and third-generation Turkish-German bilinguals living in Germany. These speakers produce two phonetically, phonologically, and pragmatically distinct rises, which differ from what is typically reported for German monolinguals. The primary phonetic differences between the two rises include the relative alignment and slope of the rise, with one rise aligning on the final syllable of the word regardless of the stress pattern and showing a significantly steeper slope than the other. Although the source of these two rises is likely the two languages used by the speakers, this is not a case of intonational code-switching. Rather, the two rises, along with other edge phenomena, form an intonational system in which the rises are in contrast with one another as well as with falls and level edge contours and as such play different pragmatic roles relative to one another.
We present the first proposal of detailed internal subgrouping and higher-order structure of the Pama-Nyungan family of Australian languages. Previous work has identified more than twenty-five primary subgroups in the family, with little indication of how these groups might fit together. Some work has assumed that reconstruction of higher nodes in the tree was impossible, either because extensive internal borrowing has obscured more remote relations, or because the languages are not sufficiently well attested (see, for example, Bowern & Koch 2004b, Dixon 1997). With regard to the first objection, work by Alpher and Nash (1999) and Bowern and colleagues (2011) shows that loan levels are not high enough to obscure vertical transmission for all but a few languages. New data remove the second objection. Here we use Bayesian phylogenetic inference to show that the Pama-Nyungan tree has a discernible internal subgrouping. We identify four major divisions within the family and discuss the implications of this grouping for future work on the family.
A comprehensive yet concise history of the English language, this accessible textbook helps those studying the subject to understand the formation of English. It tells the story of the language from its remote ancestry to the present day, especially the effects of globalisation and the spread of, and subsequent changes to, English. Now in its third edition, it has been substantially revised and updated in light of new research, with an extended chapter on World Englishes, and a completely updated final chapter, which concentrate on changes to English in the twenty-first century. It makes difficult concepts very easy to understand, and the chapters are set out to make the most of the wide range of topics covered, using dozens of familiar texts, including the English of King Alfred, Chaucer, Shakespeare, and Addison. It is accompanied by a website with exercises for each chapter, and a range of extra resources.
This chapter discusses the place of English within the Germanic language family and the broader Indo-European language family. It examines the kinds of evidence that have been used to reconstruct these language families, discussing the importance of regular sound changes and the vocabulary of the descendant languages. The key concepts of genetic inheritance, language contact, and divergence and convergence are also defined with reference to these language families, and the chapter discusses some of the key movements of peoples in the Migration Age. Some key linguistic features of Proto-Germanic are then discussed, such as its inflexional morphology, phonology, and lexis.
This chapter discusses the Middle English period, considering the historical events that influenced the language and its speakers from 1066 to around 1500 and the development of the language during this period. The influence of French on Middle English is discussed, including lexical and orthographic changes. The chapter also considers the development of Middle English dialects and the movements towards a new standard form of the language towards the end of the period. Middle English phonology and inflexional morphology are outlined, together with some key syntactic features, and the chapter then provides specimen passages of very early Middle English and fourteenth-century English, together with commentary. The chapter closes with a discussion of Middle Scots, outlining key features of the language and its development and providing a specimen passage.
This chapter examines the Old English period, outlining some of the key historical developments from the settlement of Germanic-speaking groups in England through to the Norman Conquest. The key features of Old English are discussed, including phonology and orthography, inflexional morphology, syntax, and lexis. The discussion also deals with Old English dialects, the impact of Old Norse on the development of English during this period, the preservation of textual material in Old English, and the West Saxon Schriftsprache. The chapter concludes with two specimen passages of late Old English prose and verse, accompanied by commentary on key linguistic features of the passages.
In this chapter, we focus on multilingualism and language contact, moving away from the strong focus on monolingualism characteristic of many traditional approaches to language history, and discussing various onsets, scenarios and outcomes of language contact. We introduce the concepts of borrowing and imposition as central constructs to understand contact-induced change in language, illustrating and critically examining these ideas in three case studies: the development of loanwords in Canadian French, Germanic substrate effects in the formation of American Englishes and mixed-language business writing in medieval Britain after the Norman Conquest. Building on these cases, we discuss which elements of the language can be transferred and explore possible pathways of social diffusion of borrowings, as well touching upon various traits and examples of code switching and similar multilingual practices in historical texts. Finally, we evaluate the constructs of pidgin and creole languages, discussing to what extent they can be seen as different in structural terms, or whether their distinctiveness arises primarily from the sociohistorical circumstances from which they arose.
This paper examines subject expression in heritage Vietnamese, focusing on its variation in a diasporic, cross-generational context, using corpus data from 45 speakers in Canberra, Australia. While subject expression has been widely studied in other languages, little is known about its use in languages like Vietnamese, which has an “open-class” pronominal system. Results show that although the rates of unexpressed subjects remain stable, the linguistic conditions underlying this variable have undergone change: first-generation speakers are least likely to drop second-person subjects, while second-generation speakers are least likely to drop first-person subjects. Both patterns contradict expectations given the pragmatic constraints of pro-drop in Vietnamese. We further interpret this as potentially a form of community bricolage to re-establish a more equal cross-generational relationship in a diaspora setting. Ultimately, we present a case of pragmatic change driving grammatical choices, thereby also highlighting that contrary to the traditional description, Vietnamese subject expression is perhaps not so “radical” after all.
Approaches to linguistic areas have largely focused either on purely qualitative investigation of area-formation processes, on quantitative and qualitative exploration of synchronic distributions of linguistic features without considering time, or on theoretical issues related to the definition of the notion ‘linguistic area’. What is still missing are approaches that supplement qualitative research on area-formation processes with quantitative methods. Taking a bottom-up approach, we bypass notional issues and propose to quantify area-formation processes by (i) measuring the change in linguistic similarity given a geographical space, a sociocultural setting, a time span, a language sample, and a set of linguistic data, and (ii) testing the tendency and magnitude of the process using Bayesian inference. Applying this approach to the expression of reflexivity in a dense sample of languages in northwestern Europe from the early Middle Ages to the present, we show that the method yields robust quantitative evidence for a substantial gain in linguistic similarity that sets the languages of Britain and Ireland apart from languages spoken outside of Britain and Ireland and cross-cuts lines of linguistic ancestry.
A widespread assumption in the language contact literature is that affixes are never borrowed directly, but only indirectly, that is, as part of complex loanwords. From such complex loanwords, affixes may eventually spread to native stems, creating hybrid formations, in a process of language-internal analogical extension. Direct borrowing is the extraction of an affix based on knowledge of the donor language, without the mediation of complex loanwords within the recipient language. This article suggests that direct borrowing can also be the only or primary process leading to productive loan affixes. Criteria are provided to assess instances of direct and indirect borrowing on the basis of the distribution of borrowed affixes across complex loanwords and hybrid formations. These are applied to corpora of various languages. A scale of directness of affix borrowing is proposed, based on the extent to which speakers of the recipient language rely (i) on their knowledge of the donor language (direct borrowing) and (ii) on complex loanwords within their native language (indirect borrowing).
In this article, we analyze the nature and origin of a new WH-question strategy employed by young speakers of Labourdin Basque. We argue that this new strategy implies a parametric change: while Basque has always been a bona fide WH-movement language, these new constructions are instances of WH-in-situ and display the syntactic and semantic properties and patterns of in-situ WH-questions in French. We analyze the emergence of this new strategy as being due to the combination of three factors: (i) the abundance of structurally ambiguous WH-questions in the primary linguistic data, (ii) the change in the sociolinguistic profile of bilingual Basque-French speakers, and (iii) an economy bias for movementless derivations.
Language-contact studies have shown that the transfer of morphology from one language to another is relatively rare (Gardani 2008, Grant 2012, Matras 2015), and the copying of verbal inflectional morphology is particularly infrequent (Seifart 2017). Copied morphemes are frequently assumed to enter the recipient language via ‘indirect affix borrowing’, whereby complex lexemes are copied and subsequently analyzed into their component parts in the recipient language, thus enabling use of the copied affixes with native roots (Grant 2012, Seifart 2015, Evans 2016). Although ‘direct affix borrowing’, in which speakers of the recipient language identify the meaning of affixes in the model language and transfer them directly for use with native roots, is known to occur, it has until now been identified only for derivational morphemes (Seifart 2015). I here provide evidence that inflectional morphemes, namely four Sakha (Yakut) tense-aspect-mood markers plus associated subject agreement paradigms, were copied directly into the Lamunkhin dialect of Even by fully bilingual speakers. This argument is based on the absence of Sakha verbal roots found with these paradigms in a corpus of Lamunkhin Even recordings, as well as on patterns of cooccurrence of these morphemes in clauses with Even grammatical morphology.