We focus on the dynamics of colexification, a process whereby different meanings are expressed by the same word, and its opposite, de-colexification, in language and culture contact. In multilingual environments, colexification of reference to two celestial entities – ‘sun’ and ‘moon’ – enhances intertranslatability and ease of communication between coexisting languages. The terms for ‘sun’ and ‘moon’ in two extant dialects of Tariana, the only North Arawak language in the multilingual Vaupés River Basin Linguistic Area, are a case in point. Under the influence of neighbouring majority East Tukanoan languages, the terms for ‘sun’ and ‘moon’ underwent colexification in one Tariana dialect. The recent nature of contact-induced colexification is evidenced in the ways the colexified term – which goes back to the Proto-Arawak ‘moon’ – preserves the original meaning ‘moon’ in various expressions. ‘Moon’ and not ‘sun’ is the target of colexification due to its magic powers and the frequency of its mentions, as a driving force in language change. Speakers of the other extant dialect of Tariana demonstrate the opposite process of de-colexification of ‘sun’ and ‘moon’, resulting from intensive contact with the closely related Baniwa of Içana. Communicative necessity to express matching concepts drives colexification and its demise.

This paper investigates the extent to which clitic resumption in clitic left dislocation (CLLD) of accusative and dative objects is compulsory in two varieties of Spanish, namely, Peninsular and Rioplatense Spanish. We report the findings of an acceptability judgment task that compares sentences with dislocated direct and indirect objects with and without resumption. The study is motivated by two observations in cases without dislocation. First, in Peninsular Spanish, clitic doubling with dative objects is optional but doubling of accusative objects is very marginal. Second, in Rioplatense Spanish, doubling of accusatives is available under specific conditions. Although the results confirm that resumption in CLLD structures is strongly preferred across varieties and object types, differences between dative vs. accusative clitics are reflected to some extent in CLLD structures in Peninsular Spanish. Concerning cross-dialectal differences between Peninsular vs. Rioplatense Spanish, we propose an account that relies on the availability of null accusative clitics in Rioplatense in contrast to Peninsular Spanish.

There are various types of nominal appositives. One is predicative, as in She invited Lulu Moppet, an old friend, to the party; one is specificational, as in She invited an old friend, Lulu Moppet, to the party; and a further type is equative, as in She invited Reginald Kenneth Dwight, Elton John, to the party. This paper argues that each type of nominal appositive comes from a reduced copular clause of a certain kind. Such a copular clause is base-generated as the complement of a categoryless functional head, like a low conjunct or a modifier. The combination of the reduced copular clause and the functional head is merged with, and categorized by, the matrix clause. Thus, a nominal appositive is not base-generated in the same proposition-denoting expression where its anchor occurs. Explicit steps of derivation for building a nominal appositive construction are proposed. The proposed syntactic derivations rule out unacceptable positions of nominal appositives. The research explores the general syntax of non-argument-taking relations.

This study investigates the interpretation of referring expressions in Korean – a discourse-oriented language in which referential resolution relies primarily on discourse context rather than morphosyntactic cues. Across three experiments, we manipulated the accessibility of potential antecedents by varying their grammatical roles and examined the effects on referential interpretation using naturalness ratings and antecedent choice tasks. Experiments 1 and 2 demonstrated that null pronouns function as the highest accessibility markers, yielding the strongest subject antecedent preferences and the highest naturalness ratings. In contrast, overt pronouns and full NPs displayed no clear interpretive bias in these contexts. However, Experiment 3 – featuring globally ambiguous sentences – revealed a clear three-way distinction: null pronouns were strongly associated with subject antecedents, while overt pronouns and full NPs favored object antecedents, with full NPs eliciting the strongest object bias. These findings support the key predictions of Accessibility Theory, particularly the form–function correlation linking referential form to cognitive accessibility. Notably, the accessibility distinction between overt pronouns and full NPs appears weaker and more context-sensitive, suggesting that referential form distinctions are not equally weighted across all categories. This work offers novel and comprehensive cross-linguistic support for Accessibility Theory by providing empirical evidence for the proposed hierarchy of the Accessibility Marking Scale.

This paper presents a corpus-based investigation of Latin volo ‘to want’, arguing that it exhibits previously overlooked reportative uses from at least the 1st century BCE, whereby speakers attribute beliefs, opinions, or statements to an external source. Focusing on third-person present-tense forms (vult, volunt) across a corpus spanning from the 3rd century BCE to the 2nd century CE, the study analyses the semantic, pragmatic, and morphosyntactic properties of these constructions, as well as their diachronic development. Reportative volo is shown to emerge from ambiguous contexts where volition and doxastic stance overlap – especially in small-clause constructions with subject coreferentiality or passive infinitives of verbs of opinion. Diachronically, it is proposed that the doxastic component – implicit in volitional uses and anchored in the volitional subject – becomes explicit, when the anchoring of an external doxastic source shifts from outside (i.e. the opinion of others) to the volitional subject, who is then reinterpreted as an evidential source. Comparisons with German wollen (and to a lesser extent with French vouloir) contextualise this development within a broader grammaticalisation path from volition to evidentiality. While wollen is already grammaticalised as a reportative marker, Latin volo offers novel diachronic and structurally distinct evidence for this cross-linguistic trajectory.

Cross-linguistically, the existence of ‘double case’ configurations (e.g., nom-subject and nom-object) presents an empirical challenge to theories of case where anti-identity, or distinctness between two NPs, plays a key role (e.g., Yip, Maling & Jackendoff 1987). This study investigates the factors that influence the distribution of nominative object constructions in Korean. In a novel acceptability judgment experiment, we find that sentences with nom-objects are rated less acceptable than those with acc-objects. In a corpus survey, sentences with nom-objects commonly have topic-marked subjects. We propose the Morphological-Thematic-Grammatical (MTG) Alignment Hypothesis, which posits that sentences are maximally acceptable when there is maximal alignment between morphological case marking, thematic role, and grammatical function. In nom-acc constructions, this alignment is achieved because the highest-ranked subject (Keenan & Comrie 1977) is marked with highest-ranked nominative case (Otsuka 2006) and functions as a higher-ranked agent or experiencer. The lower-ranked object, meanwhile, has lower-ranked accusative case and functions as a lower-ranked patient. In contrast, nom-nom (and dat-nom) constructions fail to achieve this alignment. Our analysis treats the relevant constraints (e.g., distinctness, alignment) as interacting with each other to produce cumulative effects on acceptability.

This study investigates the variation in null subject usage across Slavic languages, focusing on Polish, Russian, and Ukrainian. By examining the syntactic and interpretive conditions for null subjects in embedded subjunctive clauses, the paper highlights differences in subject–verb agreement, clause structure, and the role of complementizers. Polish, as a consistent null subject language, shows high acceptance of null subjects, while Russian and Ukrainian exhibit partial null subject behavior, with significant inter-speaker variability. A cartographic analysis reveals that clause size and syntactic movement play a crucial role in licensing null subjects, with Polish consistently realizing its complementizer in ForceP, and Russian and Ukrainian showing more variation. The findings highlight the importance of structural factors in explaining null subject distribution and contribute to a deeper understanding of this phenomenon in Slavic languages.

Some of the most fundamental questions in linguistic theory concern grammatical architecture. Focusing on morphosyntax specifically, how many components are ‘morphosyntactic’ phenomena distributed over, and how do they divide up their labor? Answers differ: some versions of Distributed Morphology posit a rich postsyntactic morphological component, whereas Morphology-as-Syntax approaches sharply reduce its role. Against that backdrop, this article investigates theme vowels, which are often analyzed as purely morphological (nonsyntactic). A diagnostic is introduced for their derivational origin, based on the narrow-syntactic phenomenon of lexical selection (L-selection): if a theme vowel is L-selected (to the exclusion of others) by a higher head, it must be in the narrow syntax; otherwise, the test is inconclusive. The former situation obtains in Latin: in synthetic causatives, fac- ‘make’ can be immediately preceded by -ē/-e but no other theme vowel. An analysis is developed on which theme vowels are syntactic and hence L-selectable. Alternative analyses on which theme vowels realize dissociated nodes added postsyntactically fail empirically or become notational variants of the syntactic analysis, since they must give theme vowels narrow-syntactic featural ‘precursors’. Theme vowels, then, are syntactic, introduced by (External) Merge. Insofar as dissociated-node insertion can be replaced with Merge, suspicious theoretical duplications are avoided, in line with minimalist goals.

Mugane (1997) identifies two types of individual-denoting nominalizations in Gĩkũyũ (Bantu): the [mu… a]-type and the [mu… i]-type. He argues that the [mu… i]-type nominalizations are phrasal and that the [mu… a]-type nominalizations exhibit a puzzling nature, displaying both lexical and syntactic properties. This study examines Mugane’s characterization, revisiting the notion of a lexicon-syntax divide. Applying Wood’s (2023) Complex Head analysis, I demonstrate that we can explain the [mu… a]-type nominalizations within a syntactic framework without resorting to the lexicon. The analysis reveals that the puzzle is resolvable and that syntax can account for both types of nominalizations in Gĩkũyũ.

The current study presents an HPSG analysis for deliminative verbal reduplication in Mandarin Chinese. We provide a detailed description of the phenomenon. After discussing reduplication’s interaction with verb classes and aspect markers, we argue that it is better analyzed as a morphological rather than a syntactic process. We put forward a lexical rule for verbal reduplication in Mandarin Chinese, and the different forms of reduplication are captured in an inheritance hierarchy. The interaction between verbal reduplication and aspect marking is handled by multiple inheritance. This analysis covers all forms of deliminative verbal reduplication in Mandarin Chinese and has none of the shortcomings of previous analyses.

This paper offers a unified analysis of the postmodal meanings of should and would. It proposes a semantic-pragmatic account based on how these modals function in contexts that yield mirative interpretations. The analysis begins with their use in content clauses under factive predicates and then examines a parallel use in why-interrogatives. It also explains why only would can produce a mirative reading in the assertive equative construction ‘That Would Be X’. The paper argues that these mirative extensions arise from the speaker’s knowledge state and their assumptions about the addressee’s expectations. The postmodal domain is therefore shaped by pragmatic strengthening within patterns that still preserve aspects of the modals’ core semantics. The shift from modality to postmodality marks a move toward the illocutionary level. However, this domain is not uniform: postmodal meanings may represent either the endpoint of grammaticalisation or the emergence of new discourse functions through constructionalisation, as in the TWBX construction.

I discuss two colloquial Italian idioms expressing respectively emphatic negation and objection, col cavolo (lit. ‘with the cabbage’) and un cavolo (lit. ‘a cabbage’). Despite superficial similarities, they represent two very different strategies at syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic level. Col cavolo belongs to a class of non-verbal polar predicates selecting a clausal complement and expressing the speaker’s degree of strength of sincerity towards the proposition (Repp 2013). Col cavolo expresses high commitment to ¬p: it is base-generated in the left periphery, as confirmed by its limited polarity-licensing abilities and impossibility of agreement with a TP-level negative PolP. Instead, un cavolo is a metalinguistic objector (Martins 2020), an echoic responsive move (Farkas & Bruce 2010); it originates as a vulgar minimiser and can function as an ‘utterance minimiser’, predicating minimal relevance of the associate and rejecting it globally rather than reversing its truth conditions. Finally, I compare col cavolo with similar cross-linguistic expressions, and offer a generalisation for left-peripheral negators: those participating in a movement or agreement chain with the TP-level PolP have full semantic and polarity-licensing capabilities, while base-generated ones, being non-local to the lower proposition, only license weak polarity items and yield double negation with a lower negative PolP.

This paper revisits the restrictive/appositive distinction with Mandarin relative clauses and argues against the commonly held view that their restrictive/appositive status directly correlates with their structural positions. We demonstrate that distinct uses of demonstratives constitute a relevant factor in establishing the correlation, such that the pre-/post-demonstrative position is relevant to the semantic status of a relative when the demonstrative is used deictically, but not when it is used anaphorically; and that this refined typology of RCs can be accounted for once existing analyses of strong definites (Elbourne 2005. Situations and individuals; Schwarz 2009. Two types of definites in natural language; Jenks 2018. Linguistic Inquiry 49. 501–536) are extended to Mandarin demonstratives.

The account of extraction using only generalized context free phrase structure (put forth in a series of papers by Gazdar in the late 1970s and early 1980s and then codified in Generalized Phrase Structure Grammar) used, slash as a feature to indicate that there was something missing in wh-extraction constructions. Although this was (deliberately) reminiscent of the slash of Categorial Grammar (CG) (which encodes argument selection), they treated it as distinct from the CG slash. Subsequent work by Steedman proposed to unite them. This paper argues first, that Gazdar et al. were correct to treat the two differently. Second, I advocate a natural view of syntactic categories under the CG world view. Thus, we take the function categories of CG to correspond to functions on strings, and with this we preclude what I call S-crossing composition, used in many CG analyses. With this in mind, we suggest that rightward extraction as in Right Node Raising really is function composition, while wh-extraction should be handled by something much closer to the account in Gazdar et al. The two behave differently under coordination chains involving a silent and or or. This behavior provides evidence that the two should be kept distinct (see also work by Oehrle for this poit), while providing striking evidence for the view of syntactic categories advocated here.

This paper uses Old Spanish as a case study to argue that verb-second (V2) syntax is not monolithic but instead involves a split between external merge (EM) and internal merge (IM) into the C-system. Building on Holmberg’s (2020) findings on Swedish, it demonstrates that the enclitic and proclitic patterns in Old Spanish finite main clauses serve as diagnostics for whether a V2 constituent reaches the preverbal field via EM or IM, reflecting a broader distinction between formal V2 and scope/discourse-related V2. The high frequency of enclisis in Old Spanish suggests a predominance of EM-driven V2, in contrast to Holmberg’s assessment of Swedish, where EM-driven V2 is claimed to be more restricted.

The paper proposes a mixed model of V2 syntax, integrating EPP-driven merge into Spec-FinP (Haegeman 1996) with interpretively motivated Criterial movement (Rizzi 2006; Samo 2019). Residual V2 reflects the resilience of the interpretive component, with its assumed Spec-head configuration (Poletto 2000) reinterpreting verb movement to Fin0 as movement to the Criterial head. The model provides a new perspective on the interplay between formal and interpretive aspects of V2 syntax, with implications reaching beyond Old Spanish.

In this paper, we present two corpus-based case studies which cast doubt on the postulation of a distinction between complements and modifiers in pre-head position in the English noun phrase. Based on examples such as medical student, the paper focuses on ordering patterns as an easily observable criterion, rather than more difficult or less reliable criteria such as anaphoric replacement or stress patterns. The conclusion is that the pre-head dependents treated as complements in, for example, the Cambridge Grammar of the English Language (Huddleston & Pullum et al. 2002), should rather be treated as type-dependents. This conclusion, at least as far as ordering patterns are concerned, is in line with the postulation of a “classifier” function in approaches to English noun phrases such as Feist (2009).

An open question about cartography is whether one and the same functional head may iterate on the functional hierarchy. We demonstrate that the stackability of certain modals from the same semantic class in Mandarin offers clear evidence for such a possibility.

The question we tackle in this paper is why some indefinite nominal expressions are licit in Romance despite the absence of number marking on the determiner and on the noun, an unexpected option in Romance languages, which are number marking languages (Gil 1987). We focus on the invariable DE found in some Francoprovençal varieties and compare it with partitive articles (PAs) in French/Francoprovençal. We propose that invariable DE and the DE component of PAs explicitly express semantic number, more precisely cumulative reference, and that DE can hence satisfy the requirement of D° to encode number/quantification information (following Delfitto & Schroten 1991). DE combines with an overt or covert ILLE component in a separate functional head (Num°/#°; morphosyntactic number), resulting in PAs and bimorphemic-DE, respectively. As a result, DE is semantically and morphologically equivalent to PAs, except for a non-overt component with DE. Our analysis further shows that the mass/count distinction is not morphologically encoded in Romance but rather a byproduct of the two oppositions plural/singular (morphosyntactic number) and cumulative/atomic reference (semantic number).