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We develop and validate a survey instrument to elicit six key economic preferences in children: undefined time preferences, risk preferences, altruism, positive reciprocity, negative reciprocity, and trust. The survey was administered to a sample of 339 nine-year-old children, for whom we also collected behavioral data through incentivized choice experiments targeting the same preferences. Our econometric analysis allows us to identify a set of 14 survey items that best predict children’s experimental behavior. For each preference, we also compare the predictive power of this 14-item validated survey to a shorter 9-item self-evaluation version. Our results demonstrate that these surveys provide a simple and reliable tool for measuring individual preferences in children – enabling researchers to account for heterogeneity when designing and evaluating policies targeting younger populations.
Thirty years after the European Commission requested Robert Pennington to produce a draft directive, Directive 2004/25/EC on Takeover Bids was published. This chapter examines the Commission’s various proposals during this time and the manner in which both the nature of the Directive and its provisions changed. It analyses the Commission’s 1989 and 1997 proposals and Council’s 2000 Common Position focusing on the provisions that dealt with the General Principles, the supervisory authorities, board neutrality and the mandatory bid. It describes the subsequent conciliation process and the compromises reached in order to arrive in June 2001 at an approved text. Having recounted the dramatic rejection of this proposal by a tied vote in Parliament in July 2001, the chapter examines the role of the High Level Group of Company Law Experts in restarting the process and its introduction of the ‘breakthrough rule’. It then explores the Commission’s 2002 Proposal and the intense negotiations, lobbying and political manoeuvring in 2003 that led to a further compromise text in November 2003. The chapter concludes by noting the unenthusiastic reception from Member States and commentators and the obvious disappointment of the Commission at what it perceived as a watered-down proposal.
Agents frequently engage with multiple principals simultaneously – for example, when borrowing from several banks or peers. In such settings, principals typically possess less information about the agent’s ability or intentions (e.g., to repay a loan) and must rely on trust. This paper presents experimental evidence from trust games framed in a credit market context to examine the role of reciprocity in interactions involving multiple principals (lenders) and a single agent (borrower). Agents were asked to decide whether to act trustworthily and repay, or to default and act selfishly, after receiving the same credit amount from either one or multiple principals. The results show that reciprocity declines when the number of trusting principals increases. A key mechanism appears to be the reduced marginal harm that an agent’s default imposes on each individual principal. Additionally, agents seem less sensitive to the negative consequences of their actions when multiple principals are affected. These findings suggest that interactions involving multiple principals are behaviorally riskier than bilateral ones. The results have implications for the design of incentive structures in multi-principal-agent environments, such as crowdlending platforms.
This chapter offers a description of the method. Elaborating on the tradition of adda, the chapter explains its significance within post-colonial thought and life in India. It then explains how adda is shaped as a method in the book by drawing on and joining insights from the works of scholars who are located within the disciplines of law and/or the humanities. The chapter provides a detailed description of how diverse scholarly works of post-colonial, feminist and jurisprudential thought are brought together and then enacted as field research for this book.
This chapter discusses both motivations and choice mechanisms that underly how people make strategic choices. It lists multiple areas where our understanding could benefit from closer study. About the early work by Tversky and Kahneman on framing (i.e., the dependence of human choice behavior on different presentations of what to rational agents should be irrelevant factors), it concludes that one must make a choice between normative adequacy and descriptive accuracy. Concerning recent work on reciprocity, it argues that players’ reactions to, for instance, kind acts may lead to volatile behavior in settings with noise, whereas reciprocity toward perceived kind types can be more forgiving and result in more stable reciprocal relations.
A large share of individuals deviates from self-interested behavior in many paradigmatic games, but in many other strategic situations almost all individuals behave in a self-interested manner. Models with heterogeneous social preferences provide a unifying understanding for these seemingly contradictory facts by focusing on the interaction between agents with other-regarding and selfish preferences. This focus explains why and when selfish agents behave as if they were other-regarding, as well as to why and when other-regarding agents behave as if they were selfish. This focus also helps understand (1) the importance of seemingly irrelevant institutional details, (2) the role of contractual incompleteness for the behavioral relevance of social preferences, (3) the role of social preferences for the prevalence of contractual incompleteness, and (4) why social preferences are an important component in explaining key characteristics of the employment relation. More recent evidence suggests that the empirical distribution of social preferences can be parsimoniously characterized by a small number of preference types which also have out-of-sample predictive power for important behaviors such as the demand for politically enforced redistribution.
How do feminists, as lawyers and activists, think about, and do law, in a way that makes life more meaningful and just? How are law and feminism called into relation, given meaning, engaged with, used, refused, adapted and brought to life through collaborative action? Grounded in empirical studies, this book is both a history of the emergence of feminist jurisprudence in post-colonial India and a model of innovative legal research. The book inaugurates a creative practice of scholarly activism that engages a new way of thinking about law and feminist jurisprudence, one that is geared to acknowledge and take responsibility for the hierarchies in Indian academic practices. Its method of conversation and accountability continues the feminist tradition of taking reciprocity and the time and place of collaboration seriously. By bringing legal academics and sex worker activists into conversation, the book helps make visible the specific ties between post-colonial life and law and joins the work of refusing and reimagining the hierarchical formation of legal knowledge in a caste-based Indian society. A significant contribution to the history and practice of feminist jurisprudence in post-colonial India, A Jurisprudence of Conversations will appeal to both an academic and an activist readership.
Solidarity is generally emphasized as a social good, particularly by international lawyers keen to stress its integrative function for the international community. This chapter will explore the possibility that solidarity might, on the contrary, occasionally be unwelcome, understood as both objectively and subjectively undesirable. Solidarity constructs certain social bonds through “imaginaries of solidarity” (who one imagines oneself to be in solidarity with) in ways that may be problematic. The chapter will examine different sites of international solidarity, including the inter-state and the transnational. It will distinguish between solidarity that is unwelcome on account of its effects (when solidarity actually makes things worse), on account of who it is offered by (the “intuitu personae” of solidarity), and on account of the burden of gratitude it creates (as part of an economy of gift and counter-gift). Overall, the chapter will refocus attention away from obligations to provide solidarity in favor of a more nuanced appreciation that not all solidarity is equally opportune. It also hopes to be a contribution to understanding what might be welcome solidarity based on a renewed understanding of its non-welcome variant.
Neighbors inhabit a distinct social sphere whose regulative ideal is the democracy of everyday life. Its chief elements are reciprocity and a practical disregard for the differences and inequalities that shape interactions in the broader society and in democratic politics. The democracy of everyday life has heightened significance during disasters. Neighbors hold our lives in their hands. But COVID-19 differs from physical disasters in ways that alter neighbor interactions. Contamination makes relations more fearful at the same time that isolation makes them more valuable. When the meaning attributed to the virus is not shared experience of disease and mortality but rabid partisanship, neighbor relations become distorted. This degradation of the democracy of everyday life signals that democracy itself is imperiled more deeply than political paralysis, corruption, and institutional failure suggest.
The proliferation of volunteering for development (V4D) models, approaches and funding sources means V4D is no longer able to be neatly located within the third sector. The enormous diversity of interactions within the Youth V4D (YV4D) field provides an opportunity to examine new and different activities and trajectories to ascertain the extent to which the traditional values of V4D, reciprocity and solidarity continue to form part of YV4D. Using the classical third sector model of Evers and Laville (The third sector in Europe, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, 2004), and drawing on Polanyi (The great transformation: the political and economic origins of our time, Beacon Press, Boston, 2001 [1944]) and Mauss (The gift. The form and reason for exchange in archaic societies, Routledge, London, 1990 [1925]), in particular their concepts of redistribution and reciprocity, we present three case studies of new hybrid YV4D trajectories—university YV4D, state YV4D programmes, and volunteer tourism/voluntourism—to reveal the different logics and features of contemporary YV4D. We argue that understanding these contemporary YV4D trajectories requires a focus on organisational and stakeholder structures of diverse volunteering activities, their relational logics and the forms of reciprocity they involve. We find that in the YV4D case studies we explore the neoliberal market logic of exchange, along with political ideologies and state interests, affects the YV4D model design.
This study suggests that the expectation of an individual about the outcome of their charitable donating can guide their action. Based on reciprocity theory and research, outcome expectation was dichotomized as altruistic versus egoistic, and an expectation-based psychological model of giving has been proposed. In this model, expectation leads to trust in charities, manifesting in strengthened engagement, which in its turn generates an increased amount of donations. In addition, social status moderates the effect of outcome expectation on charitable commitment. Overall, the proposed model was supported by the results of 530 responses of an online survey. Furthermore, social status moderated only the effect of egoistic expectation on charitable commitment. This indicated a stronger positive relationship between egoistic expectation and commitment for individuals of low social status than for those of high social status.
In recent years, nonprofit scholars have increasingly studied the phenomenon of social enterprises which has become a generic term describing a wider reorientation among third sector organizations. The emergence of social enterprises has also led to a dynamic of hybridization and broadening in the cooperative sector, similar to an earlier dynamic of “economization”, but this time on the other end of the organizational spectrum. This paper aims at developing a fine-grained conceptual understanding of how this organizational dynamic is shaped in terms of member coordination, thus contributing to a more comprehensive theoretical understanding of different organizational forms of cooperatives. Specifically, to highlight the difference to traditional member-focused cooperatives, the paper introduces the term third-party-focused cooperatives for those social enterprises which emphasize economic goals as well as control and ownership by a particular community (typically place-based). The key result of the paper is that with the shift from member- to community-focus in cooperatives, the main coordination mechanism becomes one of norm-based trust on the basis of generalized reciprocity. In contrast to traditional maxim-based trust member coordination on the basis of relation-specific reciprocity, this enables third-party-focused cooperatives to mobilize bridging and linking social capital, facilitating collective action aimed towards the community interest. The findings suggest that this identity shift requires a mutual re-positioning between the cooperative and the nonprofit sector, in terms of umbrellas as well as regulatory and legislative bodies.
In Julia Maskivker’s recent “Justice and Contribution,” she argues that, under normal circumstances, the failure to guarantee that life-sustaining workers are above the non-struggle point is not merely disrespectful and a failure of beneficence, but a violation of the norms of fair play and, as such, a “low blow.” In this article, I offer a critical reply to Maskivker. I begin by explaining her reasoning. Then I turn to critique, focusing on two key weaknesses and, in so doing, drawing out two larger lessons.
This article addresses two objections by Samuel Kahn to my argument for a living wage for life-sustaining workers. First, it refutes the charge that my position is patronising for asserting that low wages impede a worker’s ability to thrive. Second, it responds to a challenge regarding the claim that individuals have a right to a monetary equivalent of their fair share of natural resources, and that this right can be used to determine the justice of a life-sustaining worker’s situation in modern society.
To date, there is no universally accepted anatomical structural map of the human prefrontal cortex. Ongoing research attempts to uncover the complexities of how networks within the prefrontal cortex, and connecting the prefrontal cortex to other regions across the brain, are structured in detail. Tract tracing studies in rats have revealed that on a broad scale, prefrontal cortex connectivity is consistent with what would be expected based on other cortical regions; that it is comprised of topographically ordered reciprocal connections. However, evidence shows that when visualised on a finer scale, there is more complexity to this structure, that connections appear to move in opposing directions and follow a gradient from anterior to posterior in terms of reciprocity. Further, physiological evidence from humans indicates this gradient of connectivity is replicated on a functional level.
The human brain can be divided by both structure and function. Brodmann maps provide a useful way of organising the complex cortical structure based on cytoarchitecture. The basic architecture of the prefrontal cortex shows nothing substantially different to other cortical regions we have a clearer understanding of. However, it remains clear that there must be something anatomically different in the prefrontal cortex for it to be able to carry out such complex functions. Despite vast differences in the functionality of brain regions, topographic connectivity is considered a hallmark feature of cortical structure. However, relatively recent research evidence shows there may be more complexity to the connectivity pattern in the prefrontal cortex when viewed on a fine scale.
This chapter reviews the main concepts of electromagnetic theory relevant for the understanding of this textbook. Based on Maxwell’s equations, we derive the wave equation and discuss homogeneous solutions, such as plane waves and evanescent waves. We derive the boundary conditions at interfaces between homogeneous media and the Fresnel reflection and transmission coefficients. We discuss energy conservation, causality, and reciprocity of electromagnetic fields. Point response functions are introduced (Green functions) in order to derive the inhomogeneous solution of the wave equation. The chapter concludes with the angular spectrum representation, a framework that allows arbitrary fields to be described as a superposition of plane and evanescent waves.
The Bresciani case is one of a group of early cases in which the legal effect of Community agreements, and their nature as a source of law, was considered. This chapter explores the way in which the specific context of the Bresciani case, the trade relations established by the Yaoundé Conventions between the Community and some of its former colonies, influenced the Court’s presentation of direct effect in Bresciani itself and raised questions about the relationship between direct effect and the reciprocal (or non-reciprocal) nature of a trade agreement, in particular those founded on relationships of integration with the EU. The type of non-reciprocity found in the Yaoundé Conventions, established in Bresciani to be compatible with direct effect, is no longer a feature of EU trade agreements, but the EU-centricity of Yaoundé is a continuing characteristic of agreements based on integration with the EU model. The postcolonial context specific to Yaoundé becomes part of the broader legal context of these integration-led agreements, helping to clarify the part played by reciprocity in interpreting the EU’s international relationships.
1. In this story, the researcher deals with expectations and preconceptions about what will be happening during her data-gathering. How can preconceptions stop us from really listening to stories? 2. Storytelling is not only about the stories being told. How can ‘doing things together’ be a form of conversation or storytelling? 3. In what way would you say the storyteller has changed her expectations towards storytelling, after her meeting with the old lady?
Hume’s critique and English revulsion at the French Revolution dampened interest in social contract theorizing. The rise of utilitarianism was another factor. The cause of a universal franchise was taken up by Jeremy Bentham, a founding utilitarian who was dismissive of the social contract idea as an “anarchical fallacy.” The Chartists, who demanded universal manhood suffrage, held up both Bentham and Tom Paine as heroes. The Reform Act of 1832 expanded the power of the propertied in the burgeoning English manufacturing centers. The reformed Parliament passed the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834, which introduced the hated workhouse system. The Chartists’ million-plus petition for universal manhood suffrage was finally received by Parliament, but ignored. John Stuart Mill, another utilitarian, dismissed Locke’s theory as a fiction but found a truth in the social-contract idea: a principle of reciprocity. Reciprocity requires government to benefit all. Mill advocated votes for women and an expanded electorate but retention of the property qualification until workers could be educated sufficiently not to vote for unwise laws favoring their class. As a safeguard, he proposed plural votes for the educated. On the European continent the social contract tradition succumbed to the idealism of Hegel and the materialism of Marx.