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This chapter offers a phenomenological analysis of the intentionality of desires. It argues that desires are complex intentional states that entail both axiological and conative characters in relations of founding. By explicating the intentionality of desires, the chapter demonstrates that desires are similar to emotions as well as volitions but also differ crucially from both. Whereas emotion can lack conative components, desires always posit some goals or other, and strive for their posited goals. Unlike full-fledged volitions, however, desires entail deeply affective axiological components. The first section of the chapter provides the basic conceptual tools that are needed for a phenomenological analyses of the intentionality of desires. The second section distinguishes intentional desires from pre-intentional drives, affections, and feelings. It thereby clarifies the type of object-directedness that is characteristic of desire. The third section then explicates the axiological and conative constituents of desires in the interest of distinguishing desires from both emotions and volitions. The final section throws light on the temporality of desires. It argues that the intentionality of desires provides them with a specific “temporal shape” and makes them future-orientated. At the same time, this gives them a strong interest in realities and prospects of realization.
This chapter analyses the Marxian problem of transforming values into prices of production in light of Sraffa’s price system. It begins by introducing an ‘ideal’ price system where workers receive the entire net product. This system, based on ‘values’ or embodied labor, is contrasted with the ‘prices-of-production system’ where profits are distributed in proportion to total capital. The chapter then delves into the differences between these systems, highlighting Marx’s three propositions about the relationship between the rate of surplus value and the rate of profit.
It examines the special case of Sraffa’s Standard system where income distribution is independent of the price system and explores the concept of a linear operator that transforms values into prices. The chapter also discusses Marx’s simplification of uniform ‘organic composition of capital,’ where values and prices coincide. Finally, it demonstrates that the rate of surplus value is inherent in the prices-of-production system when expressed in terms of the per-capita net product.
Values play important roles in science, yet their influence on ethical and scientific recommendations is overlooked. This paper examines how interactions between values complicate the uptake of recommendations. We discuss two challenges: (i) value trade-offs, where one value is pursued at the cost of another, and (ii) value synergies, where values reinforce each other. We argue that overlooking trade-offs leads to unrealistic recommendations, while oversimplifying synergies leads to ineffective ones. Both hinder the uptake of recommendations. We propose strategies to address these issues, illustrated by the 2023 National Academies of Sciences report on the use of population descriptors in genomics.
Scholars have increasingly discussed the concept of European Militant Democracy, that is, the EU’s defense of Article 2 TEU values against defiant Member States. But does EU law have anything to say about national militant democracy, specifically on measures such as bans of political parties? The possible role that EU law has to play in this area has so far been overlooked. Using the proposed ban of the AfD as an example, this Article discusses whether and under what circumstances EU law is applicable to national party bans. Arguing that national political parties fulfill an essential function for representative democracy in the EU, the Article finds that EU law is applicable to national party bans both within the context of elections to the European Parliament as well as in purely internal situations. Arguing that the concept of democracy in Article 2 TEU nevertheless allows for militant democratic measures such as party bans, this Article then carves out specific standards that national party bans must comply with as a matter of EU Law.
The first chapter provides an orientation in the lives of disabled people in Kinshasa through a consideration of how the interlocutors were identified and identified themselves as disabled, as handicapé – a relatively narrowly defined and recently agreed-upon category of persons. People sometimes overtly pursued this identity for the occasional advantages it could provide, but recognition as an handicapé, and enforcing associated privileges, is far from straightforward. Rather than a depoliticised knowable fact of the body, making handicapé into a recognised identity continues to be politically contested and destabilised, among others through internal rivalries among disabled people and between their organisations. The chapter thus considers the role of a wide variety of disabled peoples’ organisations, and especially the bureaucracy represented by their membership cards, as means of establishing disability status. ‘Real’ membership and leadership was ultimately uncertain and based on constant mutual evaluation. Keeping uncertainties alive allows for an expression of values on the distribution of resources, while creating a productive uncertainty around the question of membership itself.
The Conclusion urges us to consider practices that lead to becoming ‘valuable people’ as something that goes beyond overcoming stigma to changing the evaluations that define what is good. It brings the discussions about values together with a final example of how my interlocutors pursued valued inclusion, by embracing a biomedical model of personhood where people are judged on their minds rather than on their bodies. This draws attention to the wider relevance of questions of entitlement, distribution, and values: wherever my interlocutors went, discussions of values followed.
This chapter reconceptualises environmental competence as a dynamic capability rooted in an interconnected blend of knowledge, skills, attitudes, values, understanding and desire. Drawing on foundational models, it examines the structural components of pro-environmental behaviour and links these to empirical studies emphasising the foundations of ecological action. Building on this, the chapter introduces dynamic frameworks – particularly the sustainability competency models developed by Wiek, Withycombe and Redman and extended by Redman and Wiek – which emphasise collaborative, anticipatory, normative and strategic dimensions of sustainability planning. Through reflective tasks and case-based learning, readers are encouraged to recognise and cultivate transformative competencies, such as intercultural mediation and intra-personal awareness, essential for navigating global environmental challenges. The chapter also highlights concepts like Kickwa alli kawsay and Japanese kizuna as culturally embedded pathways towards sustainable living, reinforcing the argument that environmental competence must be pluralistic, inclusive and action-oriented. Ultimately, the text advocates for a holistic shift from static notions of competence to adaptive, integrative models that empower individuals and communities to enact meaningful change within diverse societal contexts.
There are two readings of how Sellars analyzed ought-statements: a first-order expressivist reading and a metalinguistic reading. In this chapter, I argue that unpublished draft material related to the creation of a key text in Sellars’s practical philosophy, the last chapter of Science and Metaphysics, shows that Sellars at least seriously considered adopting a metalinguistic analysis of “ought.” I also explore the relation between these exegetical questions and the broader problems raised by Sellars’s thought. Which reading of Sellars on “ought” we adopt can affect our outlook on the place of norms in Sellars’s scientific naturalism. I argue that a metalinguistic reading of “ought” permits the view that norms can become perfectly implicit at Sellars’s ideal end of inquiry.
Understanding the values held by negotiating parties is central to the design and success of international climate change agreements. However, empirical understandings of these values – and the manners by which they structure negotiating countries’ value networks and interactions over time – are severely limited. In addressing this shortcoming, this paper uses keyword-assisted topic models to extract value networks for the 13 most recent Conferences of the Parties (COPs) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). It then uses network analysis tools to unpack these networks in relation to influential values, countries, and time. In doing so, it demonstrates that countries’ core climate change values (i) can be accurately recovered from COP High-level Segment (HLS) speeches and (ii) can, in turn, be used to understand the structure of negotiation networks at the UNFCCC. Analysis of the corresponding value networks for COPs 16–28 indicates that initially central values of “Fairness” and “Power” have increasingly given way to values associated with the “Environment” and “Achievement.” Thus, countries at the UNFCCC have increasingly eschewed values associated with common but differentiated responsibilities in favor of a consensus over the urgency of collectively combating climate change. These and related insights illustrate our approach’s potential for recovering and understanding value networks within climate change negotiations – a critical first step for any successful climate change agreement.
Chapter 2 reviews John Merryman’s ‘two ways of thinking’ about cultural property, rooted in an eighteenth-century dispute about the respective merits of particularism and cosmopolitanism, which continues to the present. A new section has been added on material looted from Benin.
The sale, twice, of a Medici cabinet ordered for an English estate introduces the modern idea of heritage, initiated by Edmund Burke. It covers Protestant narratives and customary laws, and concludes with Alasdair MacIntyre’s thesis about narrative and identity.
Focused on China, Chapter 4 explores ideological competition in the construction of heritage. New material has been added on holding human remains. It concludes with a major set of Buddhist figures to set up the discussion about the reintegration of sculptural groups.
Chapter 5 begins with export controls and then moves to the domestic regulation of art and architecture in common law countries, with the removal of a Tiffany mosaic as the test case. Finally, it examines a ‘compositional’ reason to reintegrate the Parthenon frieze.
Chapter 1 opens with a discussion of values, which frames the volume. It then reviews four well-known works/groups of work to introduce a debate about cultural ownership, beginning with the Bamiyan Buddhas, followed by Guernica, the Parthenon sculptures, and Gilbert Stuart’s portrait of George Washington.
The final chapter opens with a hypothetical debate between cosmopolitan and particularist positions, which is then mapped onto contemporary political philosophy. It concludes with Joseph Raz’s pluralist and perfectionist liberal requirement that states should support culture.
Efforts to counter Christian nationalism focus on the power of ideas—that Christian nationalism is historically inaccurate, religiously heretical, or even fascist. Those efforts build upon a vast research agenda on Christian nationalism in the social sciences to argue, at least implicitly, that a Christian nationalist worldview rejects religious, racial, and political pluralism in favor of a (white) Christian-centric goal for the United States. But they may be wrong on at least one account. In a January 2024 survey of 1,500 American Christians, we piloted “anti-Christian nationalism” measures, expecting to find a robust negative relationship with established measures of Christian nationalism. Instead, we find that many Christian nationalists already hold pluralist ideas in their heads. We then explore whether anti-Christian nationalism can work to counter, moderate, or align attitudes with Christian nationalism on political tolerance. We find that Christian nationalism often overrules anti-Christian nationalism, especially when the threat is high.
The study investigates the interplay between personal values and attitudes toward environmental responsibility (ER) among MBA students from two distinct cultural contexts: Australia (individualist) and India (collectivist). Drawing on survey responses from the University of Newcastle, Australia and the Indian Institute of Management (IIM), Kolkata, the study employs factor analysis and Multivariate Least Squares (MLS) to test whether cultural orientation moderates the predictive relationship between value priorities and ER attitudes. Findings reveal significant cross-cultural contrasts: Australian respondents prioritise security, conformity and power, whereas Indian respondents emphasise achievement, benevolence and universalism. Contrary to theoretical expectations, self-transcendence (benevolence, universalism) and self-enhancement (achievement, power) values exert a stronger influence among Indian participants. These results challenge universalist assumptions in sustainability education. The study offers actionable implications for corporate recruitment, climate policy and MBA curriculum design, highlighting how cultural value systems shape managerial attitudes toward ER.
The traditional narratives of Austrian constitutional law are evolving. Long decried by scholars and practitioners to be ‘in ruins’, the Austrian Constitution has recently been lauded as ‘elegant and beautiful’ by Austria’s President, thus attempting a paradigm shift in the Austrian public’s perception of its constitution. While some textbooks claim it (still) is a merely formal, ‘value neutral constitution of game rules’ much in the spirit of Hans Kelsen, the Austrian Constitution and its interpretation show more and more signs of converging into a principled, value-oriented and purposive approach common in many other countries. The multinational legal legacy of the Habsburg Empire and its potential for understanding the European integration have been recognized as an asset, just as the ensuing creation of the world’s first constitutional court is of pride and the Austrian Constitution’s leading export.
Progress is defined as change towards the better. This definition, comprising both a descriptive and a normative element, can be applied in the organic domain to the history of living organisms. If evolutionary biologists struggle to live with organic progress, they also seem unable to live without it. Are there any theoretical arguments for using the normative terms 'good' and 'better' within evolutionary theory? How do we clarify the idea that some 'change towards the better' is conceptually implied by evolutionary theory? The author argues that there are specific kinds of value, that is, organic value, that allow us to speak meaningfully about improvements in living beings. A large part of this Element is devoted to showing how this applies to the concept of adaptation at a local scale. The final section broadens the investigation to a global scale, tentatively suggesting evolvability as a promising candidate for global progress.
Societies are failing to meet basic human needs while simultaneously respecting ecological limits. This article examines the political feasibility of three of the most commonly discussed eco-social policies which aim to align social objectives with planetary boundaries. We use large-scale representative survey data from six countries. Support for all policies is higher in three middle-income countries with a higher number of unmet social needs compared to three high-income countries that mostly fail to respect planetary limits. Both across and within countries, beliefs about the environment and the economy are considerably more important for explaining support than demographic factors such as gender, age, education, or income.
Technical Summary
Eco-social policies aim to establish a social floor while respecting planetary boundaries and to improve the social outcomes of ecological policies. Research on public attitudes towards eco-social policies remains limited, focusing exclusively on people in high-income countries in Europe. Using representative samples in three diverse middle-income countries (Brazil, South Africa, China) and three diverse high-income countries (US, UK, Germany) – which, together, are responsible for 49% of total global CO2 emissions – we examine differences in public support for three eco-social policies: universal basic services, a cap on income and wealth, and a redistributive carbon tax (N = 11,964). Utilizing ordinal logistic regression models, we find that participants in poorer countries with more social shortfalls show stronger support for policies that are focused on strengthening basic human needs compared to participants from high-income countries. However, within countries, values related to nature and beliefs in the ‘free market’ are considerably more important in explaining support than socio-demographic characteristics such as income or education, whose association with eco-social policy support is inconsistent. Moreover, the strength of the relationship between policy support and these explanatory variables varies considerably across countries, underlining the importance of context specific explanations for eco-social policy support.
Social Media Summary
People in middle-income countries show consistently higher support for policies that combine ecological and social goals than those in high-income countries.