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Chapter 2 is a comprehensive overview and critical assessment of the extant academic literature on gender and the global climate crisis. It begins with a section showcasing how the emphasis has largely been on women at the micro level, which often ends up portraying women as victims that need rescuing, thus habitually overlooking women’s agency. The subsequent section discusses in brief the concept of climate governance, before moving onto a discussion of the theory of representation. This section focuses on Pitkin’s (1967) typology of representation as well as extant research on the four dimensions of representation, whilst simultaneously outlining and anchoring the research questions upon which the book rests. The nine research questions cover a range of topics, including (but not limited to) the factors governing the success of female parliamentarians, gendered portfolios, leadership opportunities, the role of political parties, women representing women, intersectionality, and gender quotas.
Chapter 1 sets out the foundations of the book, beginning with a basic discussion of what is climate change and the global climate crisis. The chapter then moves on to the important Global North-Global South colonial context and the fundamental issues of environmental justice, climate justice and carbon colonialism. From there, the discussion ventures into an overview of who bears the brunt of climate change, concluding in a final section on the calls for a gender-based approach to solving the global climate crisis and the rationale for the book.
Pochazia shantungensis (Chou & Lu, 1977) is a polyphagous planthopper first identified in China. This species has now spread rapidly across East Asia and Europe, resulting in significant economic losses in agricultural and forestry production in many countries. In order to illustrate the intrinsic connection between climate change and the geographical expansion of this pest, the optimised MaxEnt species distribution model was used to analyse the potential distribution areas of P. shantungensis under current and future climate scenarios (2041–2100), using CMIP-6 projections (SSP126 and SSP585). MaxEnt modelling indicates that the area suitable for P. shantungensis will likely expand by 8–18% by 2100 under the SSP126 scenario (48,100 × 10⁴ km2) but contract under the SSP585 scenario (47,600 × 10⁴ km2) compared to the current suitable habitat area (43,900 × 10⁴ km2). Therefore, the range expansion of this species is predicted to extend from Asia to temperate regions globally, excluding Antarctica. This study provides baseline data for pest surveillance, early warning systems, quarantine, and management strategies in high-risk areas.
This chapter explores the relationship between international trade and sustainable development, with a particular focus on climate change. It traces the evolution of the multilateral trading system from its origins in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade to the present day, highlighting the shift from a focus on trade liberalisation to a broader commitment to sustainable development. The chapter examines how the World Trade Organization has grappled with integrating environmental concerns into its framework, including the development of ‘greening’ jurisprudence, institutions, and rules. It proposes a reform agenda to further align the trading system with global sustainability goals, emphasising the need for alignment with climate change commitments, harmonised sustainability standards, reformed subsidy approaches, governance and institutional reforms, and a focus on equity and justice.
This chapter discusses the relationship between WTO law and other public international law (PIL), focusing on the interpretation of WTO law through the lens of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (VCLT). It examines how WTO dispute settlement bodies have approached non-WTO law, particularly in the context of treaty interpretation and potential conflicts between legal regimes. The chapter argues that while the VCLT provides a framework for interpretation, it has limitations in addressing conflicts between different agreements, as illustrated by the interaction between the Paris Agreement and the WTO. The authors contend that legislative solutions within the WTO are necessary to address these conflicts and ensure the WTO’s continued relevance in the face of global challenges like climate change.
Previous studies indicate that in the United States, the effects of climate change disproportionately impact communities of color. Accordingly, we would expect racial/ethnic minorities to express greater concern over the environment than white Americans. However, racial/ethnic minorities are not monolithic. Therefore, we examine how intersectional identities within racial groups by partisanship and gender shape attitudes on the environment using the 2020 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey and the Climate Change in the American Mind (cross-sectional study 2008-2022). Our findings indicate that racial/ethnic minorities are more supportive of policies to combat climate change and are more likely to believe in climate change than white Americans. Latine and Asian American/Pacific Islanders also exhibit higher levels of anxiety about climate change compared to white Americans. In terms of intersectional identities, we find consistent partisan differences for Latine and White individuals, whereas gender and racial identity are inconsistent.
Plant-based diets are favourable for both climate and health. However, not much is known about different barriers to adopting more plant-based diets across sociodemographic groups. This study examined the proportions of the population reporting a shift towards more plant-based diets and identified perceived barriers to these changes across different sociodemographic groups. The study was based on the Healthy Finland Survey 2022–2023, including 5390 participants aged 20–74 years. Participants responded to questions on plant-based diets using pre-defined response options. Results were presented as prevalences and 95% CIs. Women reported that they had changed their diets to more plant-based more often than men did (46% vs. 31%). Urban residents, higher educated participants, and those with higher income were more likely to have adopted more plant-based diets than others. Concerns about nutritional adequacy (women 20%; men 24%) and lacking skills to prepare tasty vegetarian foods (women 30%; men 28%) were common perceived barriers. In men, barriers included a dislike of vegetarian foods (23%) and a lack of interest (28%). In women, 17% cited the preferences of their close ones as a barrier. Barriers also differed between groups. Older participants were more concerned about the nutritional adequacy (29%), while younger participants struggled with cooking skills (35%). One third of men living in rural areas or with basic education reported a lack of interest in the topic. Tailored health promotion and food education strategies are critical to overcoming barriers to adopting plant-based diets in diverse sociodemographic groups.
Climate change is expected to significantly affect the physical, financial, and economic environments over the long term, posing risks to the financial health of general insurers. While general insurers typically use Dynamic Financial Analysis (DFA) for a comprehensive view of financial impacts, traditional DFA as presented in the literature does not consider the impact of climate change. To address this gap, we extend the stationary DFA framework to integrate climate risk, enabling a holistic assessment of the long-term impact of climate change on the general insurance industry and offering a foundational architecture for the DFA of individual insurers. Our framework captures the long-term impact of climate change on the assets and liabilities of general insurers by considering both physical and economic dimensions across different climate scenarios within an interconnected structure. Furthermore, it addresses the uncertainty of climate change impacts using stochastic simulations within climate scenario analysis that are useful for actuarial applications. Our extensions are tailored to the general insurance sector and address its unique characteristics. To demonstrate the practical application of our model, we conduct an extensive empirical study using Australian data and assess the long-term financial impact of climate change on the general insurance market under various climate scenarios. The results are benchmarked against those of a stationary DFA framework and show that the interaction between economic growth and physical risk plays a key role in shaping general insurers’ risk–return profiles. They highlight the advantages of the climate-dependent DFA over the stationary DFA in generating financial projections under climate change impacts. Limitations of our framework are thoroughly discussed.
Future generations, wildlife, and natural resources – collectively referred to as 'the voiceless' in this work – are the most vulnerable and least equipped populations to protect themselves from the impacts of global climate change. In this new edition of Climate Change and the Voiceless, Randall S. Abate provides comprehensive analysis of recent landmark strategic litigation to protect vulnerable communities, significant updates on legislative and judicial developments on rights of nature, and a detailed summary of the most important climate change advisory opinions and their implications for the protection of voiceless communities. As in the original work, he identifies the common vulnerabilities of the voiceless in the Anthropocene era and demonstrates how the law can evolve to protect their interests more effectively. This work should be read by anyone interested in how the law can be employed to mitigate the effects of climate change on those who stand to lose the most.
This chapter examines the intersection of militarism, climate change, and Islamic environmental ethics from a transnational perspective, arguing that the military-industrial complex is a structurally overlooked but significant contributor to global ecological degradation. It critiques the exemption of military emissions from international climate protocols and highlights the disproportionate environmental burdens placed on Muslim-majority countries. Drawing on Quranic principles such as khalīfah (trusteeship), mīzān (balance), and ‘adl (justice), the chapter presents a theological framework that calls for demilitarization and ecological justice. Through case studies from Iraq, Gaza, and Afghanistan, as well as analysis of Islamic legal tools, eco-fatwas, grassroots movements, and green finance instruments, the chapter outlines a holistic response rooted in Islamic teachings. It concludes by advocating for a reconceptualization of national security and climate action that centers spiritual responsibility, ecological stewardship, and transnational solidarity.
This chapter explains why oil companies recently started to embrace citizen mobilization after a long history of avoiding such outreach. It shows that while the coalescing climate movement and the availability of new online tools for organizing have played important roles in this shift, the proliferation of new government forums for citizen input in the regulation of fossil fuel projects has been the core driver of the industry’s new approach.
This scholarly exploration examines the Islamic perspective on environmental stewardship, climate change, and ethical resource management through the lens of Shariah (Islamic Sacred Law). Grounded in the principles of Tawhid (divine unity), the article argues that Muslims have a fundamental religious obligation to protect the Earth and its resources as trustees or "Khalifa" (guardians). The text analyzes how Islamic ethical principles, particularly the Maqasid Shariah (higher objectives of sacred law), directly relate to contemporary environmental challenges, especially global warming and fossil fuel consumption.
The author emphasizes that the Islamic worldview inherently promotes ecological consciousness, viewing humans as stewards responsible for just and compassionate management of natural resources. By referencing Quranic injunctions and Prophetic traditions, the article advocates for fossil fuel divestment, renewable energy adoption, and sustainable development. It presents a compelling case that environmental protection is not merely a scientific or political imperative, but a profound spiritual and moral responsibility deeply rooted in Islamic teachings of mercy, justice, and interconnectedness.
The book’s final chapter returns to issues of transparency, arguing that so- called front groups tend to be open secrets of sorts, with their funders or founders rarely fully hidden from view. The chapter demonstrates that oil companies today are apt to use financial transparency as a strategic asset, framing themselves as amplifiers of citizen speech. As oil companies embrace a more open model of citizen organizing, critiques or policy interventions that call for exposing the sponsors of pro-oil campaigns see their relevancy wane. The chapter closes by exploring how scholars and environmental activists might use the empirical insights of previous chapters, particularly the top-down control, internal political fissures, and affective experience of risk by joiners in pro-oil campaigns, to create more just and effective grassroots interventions in climate politics.
This chapter introduces the reader to how the oil industry mobilizes political support from publics. It argues that historically, the sector has shied away from grassroots politics, or employed short-lived, financially secretive front groups. However, today this is changing. Oil firms’ contemporary outreach is apt to take the form of visible, far-reaching, and long-term campaigns that openly tout partnership between companies and citizens. This style of organizing troubles the neat binary between grassroots politics and corporate public relations. To address this, the chapter suggests we think of all political mobilization as “manufactured publics,” emphasizing the strategizing, labor, and mixture of interests inherent in all contentious political efforts. This theoretical lens allows us to explore both the affective realities of people who join pro-oil groups and the corporate interests that shape these campaigns.
International nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) play a vital, yet contested, role in responding to global challenges. Do INGOs serve to advance the interests of grassroots social movements or temper demands as they bring popular voices into institutional power settings? This study focuses on how civil society in Spain engages with the UN Sustainable Development Goal 13 on climate action and argues that INGOs simultaneously provide voice for some and temper the message of others. The seemingly contradictory impacts can be understood by examining the interplay of institutional political opportunity structures and network relations. A transcalar examination reveals that Spanish environmental INGOs work in network coalitions with domestic environmental social movements developing common positions. While limited by domestic political opportunity structures, these relations are mutually beneficial. In contrast, transnational environmental social movements do not closely coalesce with INGOs due to their loose organizational structures and lack of specific policy positions.
Twenty-five years ago in this journal, Hilary Whitehouse described the cultural discourse of “greenies” evident in regional Queensland, Australia, and its implications for educators and students undertaking sustainability initiatives in schools. The present article draws on data from research conducted in Wagga Wagga, New South Wales, to show that this cultural discourse persists in regional Australia and continues to challenge educators and students. Data from interviews and focus group discussions demonstrate that teachers and students are cautious about sharing environmentalist views at school, lest they be labelled as “greenies.” The contentious rollout of renewable energy infrastructure seems to have added further charge to the pejorative discursive practice originally described by Whitehouse in 2001. Contending with the “greenie” appellation, and its associated negative connotations, appears to be an ongoing impediment to teaching and learning about environmental issues in regional Australia.
As ecological crises intensify and planetary boundaries are exceeded, early childhood environmental education requires reimagining. Dominant stewardship and child-centred approaches often position children as autonomous actors engaging with a passive environment, reproducing human–nature divisions and obscuring more-than-human agencies. This paper introduces dust pedagogies, a posthuman approach that foregrounds dust and other microworlds as sites of ecological inquiry and relational learning. Drawing on posthuman theory, environmental humanities and Barad’s (2007) concept of intra-action, the study examines children’s encounters with dust through microscopy, multisensory exploration and co-mapping in a kindergarten in Melbourne, Australia. Commonly dismissed as waste, dust is reconfigured as agentic matter entangled with infrastructures, histories and planetary processes. The analysis demonstrates how these encounters connect local, embodied experiences with broader ecological systems, fostering curiosity, care and ethical attentiveness. Dust pedagogies offer a generative pathway for linking early childhood education with environmental justice and planetary boundaries in the Anthropocene.
What makes politicians personally invested in climate issues? While we know which politicians speak on climate issues, we lack knowledge of whether they do so out of electoral reasons or being assigned to this issue by their party leaders or whether they are personally invested in these issues. I argue that young members of parliament (MPs) and MPs from green and progressive parties are more emotionally invested in climate issues and that the emotional investment in climate issues has increased over time for all MPs. I use data on the emotional engagement of MPs during their speeches in the German Bundestag from 2011 to 2020 measuring emotional engagement via vocal pitch. Analyzing within-MP variation, I find that MPs are overall more emotionally engaged when giving speeches mentioning climate issues and that this effect has increased substantially over time. Contrary to my expectations, I find no difference between MPs with a different age or party affiliation. These findings have important implications for understanding the drivers of the personal engagement of politicians with climate issues. They indicate that both support of climate action and opposition to it may increase emotional engagement.
Climate change disproportionately affects people with pre-existing mental illness, yet there is a critical shortage of targeted interventions serving their needs. This Commentary argues for the further development and evaluation of preventative, structural interventions, including cash transfers, in the context of climate-change related disasters to reduce vulnerability among people with mental illness.
This chapter considers Lewis Carroll’s Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland (1865) and William Morris’s New from Nowhere (1890) through the lens of the commons and what counts as “common sense.” Taking its cue from a question Morris poses about art’s role in radical social transformation, the chapter asks if the recent environmental turn in Victorian studies is interested in piecemeal or systemic change. Considering both modes of change, the chapter proposes a “poetry of the commons,” grounded in Carroll’s and Morris’s very different approaches to both the commons and common sense, as an alternative to the market economy and as more accurate approximation of how the commons traditionally worked. Accordingly, Alice and News can be seen as laying the foundations for something like “commons sense” and a practice and poetry of the commons adequate to the demands of the climate crisis.