The European Council is one, if not the, key institution of the European Union (EU). Coming together for the first time about 50 years ago, in March 1975, the European Council comprises notably the Heads of State or Government of the EU member states, thus linking national and European levels. It takes important decisions in various policy areas and has regularly expanded the EU’s agenda and competences. In recent years, the European Council has acted as the prime crisis manager. At the same time, because of its requirement for consensus and its own small internal capacities, it is vulnerable to blockades and depends on other EU institutions for the preparation and implementation of its decisions. This article analyzes the European Council as key actor in the EU’s multi-level and multi-institutional system of governance. Comparing and bringing together different theoretical perspectives, it critically examines its various roles, functions, and shortcomings. Contrary to the predominant view, the European Council – despite its intergovernmental composition – tends to strengthen the EU’s supranational procedures. With this institution becoming ever more important and visible, the paper also suggests avenues for the further study of the European Council.

Following the June 2010 elections, Belgium was left for more than a year without a full government, as negotiations about constitutional reform dragged on. In this article, I investigate why this interregnum did not have any fatal consequences for Belgian governance and society. On a formal level, the Belgian constitution allows a caretaker government to take all necessary steps to ensure continuity, thus avoiding government deadlock. From a political science perspective it can be noted that in a system of multi-level governance, other levels typically step in if one level fails. This is especially the case in a country like Belgium with a strong pro-European consensus, where European Union (EU)-interference is considered as legitimate. The theoretical relevance is that multi-level governance can be seen as a safeguard against government failure.

This article begins by describing the major characteristics and the origins of multi-level governance (MLG). It then discusses the alleged novelty of MLG practices, whether MLG achieves its goals in terms of policy efficiency and acceptance, and the possible consequences of governance networks for the democratic quality of political decisions. In relation to these matters, it concludes that there is a gap between the intensity of theoretical debate and a lack of systematic empirical research. It thus seeks to provide some indications about promising avenues for ‘second generation’ research that would allow us to give more substantial answers to controversial questions concerning MLG.

European integration can be seen as a largely ‘liberal’ project. Since its inception, this project has, however, strongly emphasised the features of economic liberalism, neglecting other essential elements of the liberal tradition, including the limitation of political power, the defence of individual freedoms (not only in the economic sphere) and the promotion of life chances for all the members of the polity. The ‘economistic sliding’ of European liberalism is partly responsible for the current malaise of the European Union and should be countered by launching a comprehensive agenda of ‘liberal’ transformation, in the richer and wider sense of the word.

The absence of a federal government in Belgium following the June 2010 elections can be used to illustrate the robustness of multi-level governance structures. As Belgium is a federal country, regional governments simply continued to function. The European Union (EU) actually forced Belgian political decision makers to continue to cooperate, for example, with regard to the Belgian presidency of the EU in 2010 and with regard to the government budget. There is, however, also an unintended side effect of this form of multi-level governance. The continued presence of European and regional policies, to some extent, reduces the necessity for having a national government. Therefore, during government negotiations, the default option of not reaching a compromise is rendered more attractive, and this could reduce the willingness of political parties to find a compromise.

In this debate section, four Belgian political scientists reflect on the theoretical relevance of the lengthy political crisis that Belgium has known following the elections of June 2010. It is argued that the absence of a federal government did not lead to a policy vacuum, as regional governments, the European Union, public service managers and Members of Parliament tried to expand the scope of their authority. Given trends towards multi-level governance, it is expected that the Belgian political system will manage to survive, even if one of the levels of government (temporarily) falls out.

The transition in welfare states from compensatory to service-oriented models also implies a shift of the locus of action from the state to local administrations. Cities in particular seek space within national bounds to devise their own policy solutions targeted to city-specific needs as a more responsive government layer, with the prospect of providing more targeted service provision on the basis of locality and proximity principles. Whether such social innovation potential is met depends on scope conditions, such as the learning environment, the design of the decentralisation and the capacity of cities to scale up smaller projects. In this paper, we trace the policy process around local social investment innovations in Amsterdam across three domains: addressing teacher shortages, combatting energy poverty and integrating the long-term unemployed into the labour market. In each of the domains, Amsterdam emerged as a frontrunner and innovator, instigating broader change. The city is at the frontier of societal change and acts as ‘a stopgap’, filling gaps left by national policy default. Overall, the case of Amsterdam shows the importance in adopting a multi-level perspective in studying new dynamics in welfare state transitions.

Regional governments are one of the largest but most understudied interest groups, employing a wide range of advocacy tactics like hiring professional lobbyists and face-to-face lobbying. However, we know little about why some succeed in influencing public policy while others do not. This gap arises because existing theories of interest groups and intergovernmental mobilization focus on resources—money and legitimacy—that regional governments typically lack control over. To address this, I propose a theoretical framework of intergovernmental lobbying success tailored to regional governments, emphasizing the convergence of five distinct conditions. Using new and original data on the 26 Swiss cantons’ influence on federal policy and employing set-theoretic methods (csQCA), I demonstrate that no single condition explains intergovernmental lobbying success. Instead, five causal pathways lead to a regional government shaping federal policy in line with its preferences. These findings have significant implications for understanding the effects of intergovernmental lobbying on representation, inequality, and unequal policy responsiveness, potentially contributing to rising political discontent, growing rural resentment, or citizen alienation.

This article posits that the multi-level governance literature can benefit from administrative burden theory if scholars are interested in understanding under which conditions policy implementation fails. To support this argument, we build on these two bodies of research to examine how implicit welfare rescaling – where the central government expands its role in a previously devolved policy – may increase administrative burdens for claimants, and to what extent local welfare systems can help to mitigate these burdens despite lacking coordination. To address these research aims, we assess the implementation of the “Ingreso Mínimo Vital,” a national minimum income scheme introduced in Spain within a fragmented regional system. Qualitative fieldwork with frontline professionals and policy experts shows that welfare rescaling heightened claimants’ administrative burdens due to inter-institutional misfit among governance levels. This imposed substantial learning, compliance, and psychological costs on claimants, making frontline professionals essential for guiding them through these challenges.

Centralisation of powers typically occurs in times of crisis. The paper investigates and compares the intergovernmental relations (IGRs) in the Italian decentralised systems during the economic and financial crisis (2008–2013) and the COVID-19 pandemic (2020–2022). During both these two phases, Italy experienced a transition from a political government to a technical one. During the economic and financial crisis, Silvio Berlusconi's government (2008–2011) was succeeded by a technical one led by Mario Monti (2011–2013); similarly, during the pandemic, Giuseppe Conte's government (2020–2021) was followed by a technical one led by Mario Draghi (2021–2022). The hypothesis is that the presence of ‘political’ governments still guarantees a certain degree of cooperation with lower levels of government (i.e. regional and local administrations), while ‘technical’ governments further exacerbate the centralisation of powers. The paper analyses the legislative activities of the central government and the documents of the Italian ‘conference system’ during the two periods of analysis. According to our hypothesis, the findings show a greater centralisation of power under the technical government during the pandemic, but not during the economic crisis. This outcome suggests that the policy domain may serve as a main intervening factor over the degree of centralization of the IGRs during periods of crisis.

Within the last decade, online sustainability knowledge-action platforms have proliferated. We surveyed 198 sustainability-oriented sites and conducted a review of 41 knowledge-action platforms, which we define as digital tools that advance sustainability through organized activities and knowledge dissemination. We analyzed platform structure and functionality through a systematic coding process based on key issues identified in three bodies of literature: (a) the emergence of digital platforms, (b) the localization of the sustainable development goals (SDGs), and (c) the importance of multi-level governance to sustainability action. While online collaborative tools offer an array of resources, our analysis indicates that they struggle to provide context-sensitivity and higher-level analysis of the trade-offs and synergies between sustainability actions. SDG localization adds another layer of complexity where multi-level governance, actor, and institutional priorities may generate tensions as well as opportunities for intra- and cross-sectoral alignment. On the basis of our analysis, we advocate for the development of integrative open-source and dynamic global online data management tools that would enable the monitoring of progress and facilitate peer-to-peer exchange of ideas and experience among local government, community, and business stakeholders. We argue that by showcasing and exemplifying local actions, an integrative platform that leverages existing content from multiple extant platforms through effective data interoperability can provide additional functionality and significantly empower local actors to accelerate local to global actions, while also complex system change.

The emergence of the Sámi Parliament has lifted Norwegian Sámi politics into an international discourse on indigenous peoples. The clearest imprints of the new Sámi political space are found in the High North region of Norway, where the Sámi account for a significant proportion of the population. The article shows to what extent and how Sámi agency affects governance structures and business development in the north in an increasingly globalised economic setting. From its origin, Sámi agency has influenced development in the High North through three processes: the first is through the Sámi institution building and strengthening of Sámi communities; the second is through its links to local and regional societal development; and the third is through the role of Sámi politics in globalised development processes. One main finding is that the boundaries between these links to the surrounding environment have become more diffuse. Sámi agency is taking a more important role in the economic development processes in the High North, often in terms of the local and regional processes, and now also within the increasingly important globalised economic modernisation processes in which inclusion in new multi-level governance structures is important.