This article examines the wellbeing implications of activation policies, focussing on the lived experiences of long-term unemployed jobseekers with public employment services. Using a phenomenological approach and the theory of sustainable wellbeing as a framework, the article explores how activation services function as either need satisfiers or barriers across four wellbeing dimensions: having, loving, doing, and being. Drawing on twenty-four individual and four focus group interviews in the city of Espoo in Finland, the findings highlight the potential of group activities in enhancing wellbeing, particularly in the doing dimension through providing meaningful activity and fostering a sense of autonomy and capability. At best, providing meaningful activity could lead to improvements in the being dimension of wellbeing, such as improved self-image and functional ability, creating a self-reinforcing circle of wellbeing. However, to offer successful need satisfiers, group activities had to also support the loving dimension by offering experiences of social relatedness. Additionally, the interviewees’ lived experiences highlight conditionality as a need barrier, as jobseekers may prioritise maintaining basic material needs over engagement, fearing benefit loss. Ultimately, the article argues for a holistic approach to welfare policy design, considering the interplay of different wellbeing needs to create more inclusive support structures.

The Finnish parental leave system has undergone numerous reforms to encourage fathers’ leave uptake, in part to redress unequal divisions of early childcare, yet many fathers have not taken full advantage of it. Leave is usually taken from the workplace, and though workplace factors are often cited as typical barriers to uptake, they remain understudied compared to policy and individual-level motivators. We systematically investigated the association of important workplace structural characteristics and parental leave decisions of private-sector-employed first-time fathers in 2013–2017, using Finnish register data and a multilevel Bayesian approach. While the probability of taking father’s quota varied by workplace gendered structures and competitiveness, these differences were due to the selection of fathers into workplaces on individual-level characteristics, rather than resulting from differing workplace structures. Workplace educational level was important, but only for tertiary-educated fathers: highly-educated fathers in low-educated environments were less likely to take longer leaves, suggesting that replaceability may be the main mechanism behind the differences. These findings suggest that differing workplace contexts have less to do with structural factors than with workplace cultures and fathers’ individual situations, calling for further study on the interplay of individual and contextual factors in usage of paternal leave entitlements.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Rachel Reeves, has described the UK economy as being in its worst state since 1945. Unlike the Labour Government of 1945, Reeves has rejected Beveridge-style public investment, in part because of claims of public support for fiscal restraint. We report findings of innovative, iterative mixed-methods survey (1) n = 693; 2) n = 10; 3) n = 2200) analysis of a programme for progressive tax reform designed to achieve comparable post-war outcomes conducted between November 2023 and January 2024 of adult UK residents. We analyse the findings of survey 3 to assess public support for the policy, impact of narratives and associations with demographic, socio-economic and health data. We find high levels of support for tax and spend, particularly where burdens are placed on wealth and business; significant impact of four narratives to persuade initial opponents to support the policy thematically organised around absolute gains, relative gains, security and environmental benefit; and clear associations between risk of destitution and various other socio-economic characteristics, health status and levels of support. We present structural equation modelling (SEM) of these associations and find moderately strong positive correlations with levels of support for key infrastructural policies. This suggests high levels of support for progressive taxation.

Drawing upon a large longitudinal qualitative study on lived experiences of food aid in England, we question contemporary academic and policy categorisations and portrayals of food aid. Contrary to ideas of a diverse food aid sector offering choice and dignity, we identify clear uniformity in the language participants use to describe different forms of food charity; any organisation which offers food for free or at very low cost to take away is predominantly described as a ‘food bank’. Simultaneously, however, we find marked inequalities in lived experiences of food charity by gender, age and race and ethnicity, and clear indications that demographically oriented exclusion is ever-present in food aid. We argue that the key fault line shaping lived experiences of the UK community food sector is not the ‘type’ of provision but demography (age, gender and parenthood, race and ethnicity) and yet inequalities remain broadly ignored in discussions of UK food aid. In doing so, we provide a critical contribution to scholarship on the changing nature of welfare pluralism and the lived experience of poverty today.

With sustained house price inflation in recent decades undermining the capacities of many younger people to form independent households, intergenerational relations have intensified, with increasing pressure on parents to assist their offspring, especially in supporting homebuying. This paper examines realignment between generations around transfers and the role of housing systems, policies and practices therein. Whilst recent research emphasises the experiences of young receivers, this paper addresses the impact on, and roles of, parent givers. We focus on Hong Kong as a remarkably tight housing market with high concentrations of older-cohorts in both homeownership and public rental housing, as well as very limited housing access for younger-cohorts. Our analysis builds on a quantitative survey of 1,012 parents co-residing with adult-children (aged 25–35 years), complemented by qualitative interviews with a small sub-sample of respondents. Our findings not only demonstrate the impact of intergenerational housing inequalities on family practices, but also how housing, welfare and policy transformations are shaping both intergenerational responsibilities and expectations of government.

Building on Oliver’s (2020) concept of governmentality-effected neglect and applying an ethical lens, this paper examines how ideas and discourse shape migration and social policy during crises, particularly the role of state assumptions in fostering ethical contradictions in policy. We analyse secondary material and original qualitative data from semi-structured interviews with macro-level policymakers, meso-level civil societal actors and individuals at the micro-level directly affected by policy decisions. We argue that the pandemic led to a crisis-induced bricolage of policy, reflecting an ethical void. This approach, rooted in long-standing ideas about the value and role of temporary migrants in Australia, continues to influence policymaking, perpetuating systemic exclusions and reinforcing ethical challenges.

The organisation and financing of services dominate long-term care policy and research. This article argues for reorientation towards the social determinants of long-term care and the inequalities they generate. Building on Dahlgren and Whitehead’s influential equivalent for health, the article offers a framework for understanding how inequalities in long-term care need, access and experience are shaped by social networks, living and working conditions, services and policies, social norms, and political, economic and environmental conditions. International evidence on inequalities in need, access and experience is reviewed, and new analysis is presented for England, based on analysis of the Health Survey for England and the Adult Social Care Survey. Socio-economic inequalities are associated with steep gradients in need. Combined with unequal access to formal services, this results in more unmet need among disadvantaged people and a greater weight of responsibility on their family and friends. The final section explores the implications of a social determinants’ perspective for long-term care: addressing ‘upstream’ drivers of need (including social protection, housing and neighbourhood regeneration); inclusion and empowerment agendas; and ensuring that services effectively compensate for, rather than re-enforce, inequalities.

Previous research shows that welfare cuts often cause distress amongst frontline workers. From the perspective of organisations implementing cuts, distressed caseworkers may hinder cost reductions and delay implementation. However, previous research has not analysed whether public agencies seek to reduce the moral distress experienced by their employees. This article examines the reorganisation of casework at the Swedish Social Insurance Agency (SSIA) between 2015 and 2020, after the introduction of a government target to reduce costs. The overarching argument is that the logic behind many organisational changes during this period was to relieve staff of any remorse for those who lost financial support. This was achieved by distancing SSIA staff from claimants, blurring caseworkers’ responsibilities and promoting an internal culture that presented stricter assessments as a democratic duty. This analysis suggests that research on social policy cuts should pay more attention to how public agencies manage the emotional lives of their employees.

Older people with long-term care (LTC) needs represent a growing and vulnerable group in European societies. A focus on the interrelation between pension and LTC policies can be useful in determining the extent to which European welfare states address this group’s social risks. This paper asks how European welfare states differ in the extent to which their institutional constellations of pension and LTC policies address older people’s social risks. We systematically measure the generosity of both policy fields at the institutional level to investigate cross-national differences in five European countries representing different welfare regime types. Furthermore, we develop a typology with four types of institutional constellations: residual, pension-oriented supplementary, LTC-oriented supplementary, and complementary. Our empirical results show that the studied welfare states differ in their pension and LTC policy constellations, which has different consequences for the coverage of older people’s social risks.

This paper brings together Lipsky’s street-level bureaucracy framework and the concept of everyday bordering to interrogate mechanisms through which diverse social care professions – working with migrant families – enact and/or resist the UK’s hostile policies towards immigration. We show that, in contexts of mixed welfare provision, and hostile bordering practices, who is an actor in policy implementation is unclear. Instead, we conceptualise that ‘networks of support’ services develop, which are characterised by provision: directly provided by the state; commissioned by the state but delivered by non-governmental organisations (NGOs); and funded by independent bodies and delivered by NGOs. In turn, we theorise that ‘networks of enactment’ and ‘networks of resistance’ develop, whereby practice interactions simultaneously perpetuate and dilute hostile environment ideologies. By delineating these networks, we offer new ways of distinguishing between the types of bordering practices that occur in social care provision within mixed welfare economies – these being ‘statutory bordering’, ‘co-opted bordering’ and ‘shadow bordering’ – as well as strategies employed to resist state exclusionary bordering practices. In doing so, we advance the theories of everyday bordering and street level bureaucracy, offering a more nuanced perspective on the relationship between the state and diverse social care professions.

China innovated a policy hybrid of ‘social pooling plus individual accounts’ for health protection in the 1990s and exnovated the individual accounts in the 2010s. On the basis of expert interviews and document analysis, this paper explores the life course of individual accounts from the perspective of Lévi-Strauss’s ‘bricoleur’. The individual accounts were grafted onto the social health insurance to signify the ideational shift from ‘egalitarianism’ to ‘fairness with considerable efficiency’. Meanwhile, piloting reform strategies provided a practical foundation for implementation of the policy. As China’s modern social security expanded and the capability for scientific policy-making grew, the government embarked on revising or removing the individual accounts. The analysis casts insights into the increasingly popular policy hybrid practices resulting from globalisation, responds to the debate on East Asian welfare regimes, provides a dynamic view on policy decoupling from world culture and furthers our understanding of policy innovation management.

The article examines informal carers’ experiences of co-producing care, combining notions of carer roles with the strategies used by carers in their interactions and negotiations with the health and social services. The aim is to contribute to the theoretical understanding of carers’ role in co-production. On the basis of interviews with carers with a wide range of experiences, we find that they wish to be treated as co-producers, but their roles and impact depend on whether they are tasked with co-producing knowledge or co-producing care. In knowledge production, informal carers are encouraged to take active part and use their voice to further the interests and values of the person in need of support. However, their impact is conditional on their initiatives being recognised by formal caregivers and, to some extent, the person in need of support. In providing care, their efforts largely go unnoticed, and they are less likely to make their voices heard, but their room to manoeuvre appears to be greater. However, when the work of carers is not recognised, formal carers forego resources that are important to the quality and effectiveness of care. The findings, we argue, have important implications for the theory and practice of co-production.

In the UK, some devolved governments such as in Scotland have taken a distinctive approach to implementing public service reforms. In this article, we explore the key enablers and constraints of outcome-based initiatives at the sub-national level. Drawing on a formative evaluation of the delivery of the Social Bridging Finance model, this study contributes to understanding results-oriented funding models and pluralist governance in welfare services beyond Scotland in three key ways. First, it emphasises the critical role of independent, multi-year grant funding in enabling more equitable and collaborative relationships between public bodies and the third sector. By reducing financial risk, such mechanisms challenge traditional state-led financing models. Second, it highlights the dual role of contractual agreements – supporting early sustainability discussions but revealing limitations when legal enforceability is weak. This points to the relevance of informal and relational accountability in outcome-based commissioning. Third, the study identifies the importance of collaboratively developed success criteria. The diverse experiences revealed in this study emphasise the need for flexibility, shared ownership and continuous learning – particularly given public sector responsibility for service continuity.

Although unconditional cash transfers (UCTs) were an important government intervention during the COVID-19 crisis worldwide, research covering UCTs’ impact on compliance with public health recommendations, at an individual level, remains limited to low-income countries. This study assesses the association between UCTs’ reception and compliance with public health recommendations in the United States. Longitudinal data from the Understanding Coronavirus in America panel are applied to difference-in-differences models to estimate how Economic Impact Payments’ reception, associated with the CARES Act 2020, impacted a variety of pandemic health behaviours. UCTs’ reception was associated with increased uptake of explicitly costly health behaviours, such as facemasks, but not with increased compliance amongst behaviours more generally. Moreover, results document stronger effects amongst poorer households. These findings have theoretical implications for how government transfers impact individual behaviour during periods of crisis and for the direction of future research.

A well-defined territorial boundary is essential for the design and implementation of social policies, as it defines the scope of the political community. In states where territorial boundaries are contested, the contours of sovereignty remains ambiguous. This paper studies the effects of contested perceptions of territory on welfare states. The paper distinguishes between institutional solidarity (support for formal welfare arrangements) and intergenerational social solidarity (willingness to help the other generation at a personal cost) and argues that territorial state identity independently influences both, aside from national identities and nationalism. Employing Taiwan’s social security reform as the case, and using observational data derived from the 2019 nationally representative Taiwan Image Survey alongside data from an original survey administered in Taiwan in 2023, the article demonstrates that territorial state identity enhances support for both institutional solidarity and intergenerational social solidarity. This effect persists even when controlling for nationalism. This research underscores the importance of recognising territorial boundaries consistent with the welfare apparatus for the sustainability of welfare states.

Researchers and policymakers propose a job guarantee as a means of overcoming long-term unemployment and the associated risk of social exclusion. Such a programme implies that all long-term-unemployed individuals within a certain territory are offered subsidised employment in not-for-profit enterprises or the public sector. This results in heterogeneous participation because the group of long-term-unemployed people is more diverse than often assumed. Against the background of the literature on subsidised employment, this contribution presents findings from an evaluation study of a job guarantee that was implemented in a small town in Lower Austria between 2020 and 2024. The aim of this paper is to explore the changes brought about by re-employment within a job creation scheme and in particular how the scheme coped with the diversity among the participants, which is a consequence of offering employment to all long-term-unemployed individuals. Based on data from a longitudinal mixed-methods study, the contribution shows how the project was implemented, to what extent the participants benefited from it and how the form of implementation met the different needs of participants. A typology based on qualitative data captures the diversity among the participants and shows how the scheme fits different groups. Finally, we discuss the pros and cons of the inclusion of diverse participants within one project.

The financialisation of eldercare has become an internationally widespread phenomenon with significant implications. Previous literature has shown how finance-controlled providers (FCPs) initially launch their eldercare services throughout urban areas, but we know little about the ways that these providers subsequently expand their services. Focusing on nursing homes in Swedish eldercare, our aim with this paper is to develop new knowledge about the expansion strategies guiding FCPs. Deploying a Bourdieusian field perspective to analyse rich document data from Sweden’s three largest FCPs, we found that they sensed ‘booming opportunities’ following demographic trends among older citizens and economic difficulties within municipalities. However, we also find that FCPs perceived ‘looming challenges’ deriving from labour shortages and profit debates in the public sector, indicating demographic trends and economic difficulties were tough to leverage as opportunities. FCPs attempted to overcome such challenges through expansion strategies centred on acquiring eldercare providers and – most notably – building nursing homes. Our findings advance the literature on eldercare financialisation by highlighting how FCPs, in devising expansion strategies, not only adopt financial tools but also incorporate field perceptions. These strategies are ultimately utilised by FCPs to expand their positions as policy actors throughout welfare states that have undergone market-inspired reforms.

A hidden consequence of the cumulative impact of poverty, ‘hygiene poverty’ compels people to make stark choices when allocating household budgets. To increase understanding of this understudied phenomenon, we explored the prevalence of factors leading to, and impacts of, hygiene poverty in Ireland. An online survey was completed by 258 respondents during September 2023 covering a broad range of topics relating to the affordability of hygiene products. The results were analysed to identify key themes of statistical relevance in the data. Our study found 65.1 per cent of respondents had personally experienced difficulty affording essential hygiene items. Whilst lower incomes and the presence of children in the household featured, inability to afford hygiene items was also felt by those in insecure housing, people with disabilities and those from ethnic minorities. Lack of access to basic essentials prevented people from engaging fully in social, work and educational activities with negative impacts on physical and mental health across all income brackets. Drawing on existing literature alongside reporting original research, the substantive argument in this article suggests that ‘hygiene poverty’ is most usefully thought of as an aspect of deprivation, and that hygiene-related needs often sit at the bottom of a range of deprivation types.

This paper studies public opinion towards the introduction of a universal basic income in the case of Germany. Using novel data from a vignette survey experiment conducted in the summer of 2022, we analyse to what extent variations in the policy design characteristics of a hypothetical basic income scheme affect levels of support. We find that support for basic income strongly depends on these characteristics, with support being highest for schemes that are relatively generous, paid to citizens and long-term residents, paid to individuals rather than households, unconditional and financed with taxing the rich. In a further step, we explore interaction effects between vignette dimensions and respondent characteristics, finding significant heterogenous treatment effects in the cases of income, age and ideology.

This study explores the link between receiving basic income support (BIS) and political alienation in Germany, with a focus on political trust and satisfaction with democracy. We argue that receiving BIS is associated with experiences of material and social exclusion and impairs subjective social integration. Against the background of major structural welfare reforms in recent decades, we assume that BIS recipients are likely to attribute responsibility for their socio-economic disadvantages to the wider political system. We use data from the Panel Study Labour Market and Social Security (PASS) for the years 2019–2021 and employ multivariate regression analysis. We find that political alienation is more likely to occur among recipients of BIS, especially long-term recipients, than among non-recipients. Social exclusion is an important mechanism: With a higher risk of material deprivation and fewer opportunities for social participation and civic engagement than non-recipients, BIS recipients are more likely to experience subjective social exclusion, which, in turn, contributes to their political alienation. Moreover, our study offers indications that trustful and supportive interactions with welfare authorities can mitigate tendencies of political alienation among BIS recipients.