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Cities are responsible for over 70% of global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from energy use. Building and upgrading city infrastructure in developing countries could release 226 gigatonnes of carbon dioxide by 2050, if these cities obtain levels of infrastructure in developed countries today. Urban GHG emissions vary across economies, geography, wealth and urban form. The largest direct and indirect GHG emission sources are buildings, industry and transport. Urban climate change impacts of heat, sea-level rise, extreme weather, and water scarcity will exacerbate extant stressors in developing countries. Mitigation and adaptation measures interact, sometimes with unintended consequences. Systems approaches, integrated planning and strategy that recognises synergies and conflicts, are crucial to optimal outcomes. The city scale is good for innovation, aligned with national governance, for effective climate action. Many cities are committed to 100% renewable energy and net zero emissions by 2030. Key enablers are: a shared city region vision; effective stakeholder engagement; relevant, credible, accessible knowledge for decision-making; and aligned institutional arrangements.
This chapter examines all three levels to present a holistic framework for understanding gender in relation to entrepreneurial ecosystems and policies for supporting inclusive economic development. It builds off the authors’ previous research in this area within the technology startup sector. The chapter provides effective approaches for building inclusive entrepreneurial ecosystems that range from individual approaches to organizational ones and, finally, to approaches by policymakers at local, state, and country levels. The chapter also outlines how gender should be an important dimension of policy efforts aimed at helping cities, states, and nations combat rising economic inequality in the midst of economic development efforts. More urgently, the impact of the ongoing pandemic is also examined given the gendered outcomes it will likely have on entrepreneurial success.
The editors and Frauke Ohler conclude the book by reflecting on what the insider accounts teach us about the negotiation of the Paris Agreement. The first part provides a comprehensive examination of the combination of factors that led to the adoption of the Paris Agreement. It discusses the relative contribution of the multitude of factors identified in the previous chapters, ranging from the structural context set by geopolitics and macroeconomics, to how non-state actors reshaped the normative landscape, to the importance of individual personality. The second part of the chapter distills practical lessons learned. It identifies seven key elements of effective negotiation management, including the importance of transparent communication, good handling of informal dialogues, and leveraging non-party stakeholders. Finally, the chapter concludes by contemplating some risks and opportunities that mark the discussion about global governance in the post-Paris era. Next to a discussion about the implications of regionalization and digitalization of negotiations, it argues that, while some may be tempted to view the Paris Agreement as an end-point, climate negotiations will continue.
Target governments can reduce grievances among disaffected populations who might otherwise pledge support to a group. Incorporating this into the workhorse model, we show an unexpected relationship between the total number of groups and total violence observed. When few groups exist, the target state has little incentive to reduce grievances. Due to the lack of competition, the government calculates that paying that price in violence is worth offering fewer concessions. In contrast, when many groups exist, the competition instills great fear in the target state. As a result, it may calculate that entirely abandoning the objectionable policy is the best solution. Without any supporters to recruit, the groups then drop their violence outputs. Thus, violence may decrease in the number of competing groups because violence deters the government. We characterize the circumstances under which the deterrent effect dominates the competition effect and provide broader tips for the empirical literature on outbidding.
This chapter reflects on the generalizable lessons that our theoretical and empirical results generate. Two central ideas emerge. First, strategic interaction is a central component of political violence. Failure to account for it risks generating invalid theoretical mechanisms and ineffective policy recommendations. Second, there is no silver bullet for terrorism. Some policies may be more effective on average than others. But even some seemingly sensible solutions can backfire under the wrong circumstances. As such, policymakers wishing to influence political violence outcomes must have a strong understanding of the causal process that guides the violence before making interventions. We also unite various subthemes that have reoccurred throughout the book, such as the role international institutions play in affecting terrorism patterns.
This chapter endogenizes a would-be militant group’s decision to enter the marketplace for violence. We show that an existing group may overproduce violence to corner the market and make its potential rivals calculate that recuperating their costs will be impossible. As a result, violence may be greater when we observe one group than when we observe many. We then investigate four ways in which a target government might mitigate the violence: offensive measures that undermine the lead group’s marginal cost of violence, defensive measures that absorb a portion of all violence, deterrent measures that increase the cost of group formation, and concessions to the group’s audience to reduce grievances. Of these, only specific types of defensive measures are guaranteed to decrease violence. In contrast, increasing the burden of entry and decreasing grievances can counterintuitively increase violence.
A central question in political representation is whether government responds to the people. To understand that, we need to know what the government is doing, and what the people think of it. We seek to understand a key question necessary to answer those bigger questions: How does American public opinion move over time? We posit three patterns of change over time in public opinion, depending on the type of issue. Issues on which the two parties regularly disagree provide clear partisan cues to the public. For these party-cue issues we present a slight variation on the thermostatic theory from (Soroka and Wlezien (2010); Wlezien (1995)); our “implied thermostatic model.” A smaller number of issues divide the public along lines unrelated to partisanship, and so partisan control of government provides no relevant clue. Finally, we note a small but important class of issues which capture response to cultural shifts.
The role of ‘best investment’ methodology in shaping priorities in many health policy areas is becoming increasingly prominent. Whilst this has traditionally been seen as a technocratic exercise, the social and political context of such practices and the constructed nature of decisions are now considered significant. In this context, this article reports on a longitudinal case study of such a process that sought to identify ‘best investments’ in public health interventions related to promoting physical activity. Drawing on a series of conceptual resources, we describe and reflect upon the complex and invested elements that contributed to the grounded decision-making process. In conclusion we suggest the need to adopt a multifaceted and nuanced approach to resource investment decision making, including: deploying a range of appraisal assessment resources; maintaining a long-term processual perspective; involving a variety of stakeholders; accepting and embracing fallibility; and accommodating theoretical and empirical evidence-based principles.
Though months have passed since the Trump administration ruthlessly enacted a “zero tolerance” family separation policy at the US–Mexico border, punitive deterrence policies remain the dominant governmental response to humanitarian emergencies. These policies violate longstanding constitutional values and institutional norms as well as national and international legal obligations to non-citizens. This chapter outlines these obligations; details the inhumane, futile, and violative policies deployed by the Trump administration to block or otherwise deter the entry of humanitarian migrant children and families; and proposes several alternatives to achieve a more equitable, effective, efficient, and law-abiding immigration policy. Key recommendations include increasing regional economic and civic collaboration; reinstituting supervised family release and legal representation to families and unaccompanied children; establishing special immigration policies that prioritize credible and well-regulated refugee status reviews particularly for children and families fleeing violence and persecution; expanding refugee resettlement programs at the federal, state, and local level; and subsidizing scholarship programs for at-risk children and adolescents. Reforms that protect the health and human rights of non-citizens not only advance equity, but also benefit the economic, social, and political interests of United States.
The National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) initiated an ambitious effort to develop the first shared decision making guidelines. The purpose of this commentary is to identify three main concerns pertaining to the new published guidelines for shared decision making research, practice, implementation and cultural differences in mental health.
This Introduction frames the context of the interdisciplinary working group that examined the role of malingering in health and social policy in 2019-2020. The Symposium Issue here is the result of the group’s time, energy, and analysis.
This essay explores the long Western history of anxieties about feigned illness connected specifically to social policy. There is a remarkable consistency of such anxieties across time, as they appear in almost every major historical period in the West since the Middle Ages.
To estimate the impact of opting into the community eligibility provision (CEP) on school meal participation among students in Texas.
A quasi-experimental design using a two-way fixed effects panel difference-in-difference model and the variation in adoption timing to estimate the impact of opting into CEP on student breakfast and lunch participation in eligible, ever-adopting schools.
All public and charter K-12 schools in Texas participating in national school meals (breakfast and/or lunch) from 2013 to 2019 who are eligible for the CEP program in at least 1 year and choose to opt into the program in at least 1 year (n 2797 unique schools and 16 103 school-years).
School-level administrative data from the Texas Department of Agriculture on meal counts, enrollment and summary characteristics of students merged with district-level educational and socio-demographic data from the Texas Education Authority.
We find opting into CEP increased school breakfast participation by 4·59 percentage points (P < 0·001) and lunch participation by 4·32 percentage points (P < 0·001), on average. The effect is slightly larger (4·64 and 4·61, respectively) and still statistically significant when excluding summer months.
Our findings suggest that opting into CEP modestly increases school meal participation in Texas, with a similar impact on breakfast and lunch.
After half a century since the entrenchment of the notion of right to food (RTF) in international instruments, it remains elusive to millions of South Africans. This development evolves in the backyard of a country with high per capita income, entrenched constitutional provision safeguarding citizens’ RTF, being a net exporter of agricultural produce, and a comprehensive social security structure. Ironically, most of these citizens reside in townships or locations where residents constantly take to the streets in demand for basic social services and yet, have not pressed for the provision of food. Why is this the case, and how can this trend be reversed? In seeking to respond to these discursive questions, the chapters in this book address cardinal legal and politico-economic aspects of the RTF, by assessing the concepts, polices and institutions which have created the stark contrast or paradox between (persuasive) policies and (poor) practice. Assessing the means by which people access food (either through own production or purchase), the chapters adopt an interdisciplinary approach, spanning agriculture, economics, history, land economy, law, political science, nutrition and sociology, to determine the dynamics of the RTF and poor policy interventions.
The US Lactation at Work Law passed amid the growing international need to support breastfeeding mothers, particularly in the workplace. Societal changes, such as the increase of mothers in full-time, paid employment, and technological changes, such as electric breast pumps, significantly changed the world in which the Lactation at Work Law exists. As breastfeeding is a distinctively female practice, workplace lactation raises unique issues including the denigration of “mother issues,” the sexualizing of female bodies and breasts, and a need to accommodate working mothers’ presence at work, rather than their absence, as much other parental-rights legislation does. The decision to breastfeed reflects race and class inequalities; access to milk expression technology; and organizational resources, such as time, space, and legitimacy of milk expression. Globally, countries struggle to encourage breastfeeding among women workers through legislation, information campaigns, cultural programs, and other inducements – with mixed success. International forces influence breastfeeding as well, such as La Leche League International, which encourages breastfeeding, and infant formula manufacturers that impede lactation and discourage breastfeeding. Perhaps most important, the success of workplace milk expression is predicated on how organizations integrate accommodations law into their structure and culture, through shifting norms and adapting organizational change.
Alternative care sites (ACS) across the United States were widely underutilized during the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) outbreak, while the volume and severity of COVID-19 cases overwhelmed health systems across the United States. The challenges presented by the pandemic have shown the need to design surge capacity principles with consideration for demand that strains multiple response capabilities. We reviewed current policy and previous literature from past ACS as well as highlighted challenges from the COVID-19 pandemic, to make recommendations that can inform future surge capacity planning. Our recommendations include: (1) Preparedness actions need to be continuous and flexible; (2) staffing needs must be met as they arise with solutions that are specific to the pandemic; 3) health equity must be a focus of ACS establishment and planning; and (4) ACS should be designed to function without compromising safe and effective care. A critical opportunity exists to identify improvements for future use of ACS in pandemics.
The conclusion draws broader conclusions and implications for international relations theory. The identification of different logics among competing norm circles suggests that linear models of convergence are unlikely to hold. This has implications for regionalism that was expected to grow stronger, with nation-state sovereignties receding in importance – under one logic that would be the case, but under multiple logics there was no inevitability about it. Finally the manner of a norm circle’s ‘victory’ in a regional domain has implications for legitimacy and further contestation. The chapter ends with policy implications from the study.
In contemporary societies, policy and planning initiatives driven by state-appointed institutions seek to manage and promote specific, prestigious, standardized varieties of language. Within the framework of language ideologies and standardization, this chapter analyses academies and similar organizations charged with promoting the Spanish language and seeks to identify contemporary patterns of normativity, with a particular focus on the Real Academia Española (Royal Spanish Language Academy, or RAE). The evolving nature of contemporary media, particularly social media, requires scholarship to address how these outputs constitute a form of status planning and how the interface between the digital world and language standardization works. Building on previous work on ‘Standard’ or ‘Panhispanic’ Spanish, I consider how the RAE has embraced and harnessed technological advances and explore how these latest changes are employed as a way of promoting Spanish globally. A wider discussion on the role of academies as ‘language mavens’ and ‘verbal hygienists’ follows. By critiquing the missions, activities, publications and practices carried out in these state-appointed institutions, we can understand how language management goals are achieved and how digital discourse disseminates, legitimates and reinforces the authority of both the institutions and also the state that appoints them.