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This paper examines relationships between AI occupational exposure and workforce patterns in U.S. federal agencies from 2019–2024. Using administrative employment data, we document systematic associations between agencies’ concentrations of AI-exposed occupations and employment dynamics. Agencies with higher AI exposure exhibit declining routine employment shares, expanding expert roles, and wage compression effects. We develop a theoretical framework incorporating institutional constraints distinguishing public organisations: employment protections, standardised compensation systems, and political oversight. The model features strategic interactions between budget-maximising directors and electoral-sensitive overseers, predicting workforce evolution under institutional constraints. Our identification exploits fixed occupational exposure scores, so observed changes in agency-level exposure reflect workforce composition shifts rather than measurement artefacts. Patterns suggest agencies with greater AI-susceptible occupations experience reallocation rather than displacement, providing insights for understanding technological change in institutionally constrained environments and informing governance frameworks balancing modernisation with democratic accountability.
Lord Leverhulme expressed grave concern at various points during the First World War about the disruption to trade. In truth Lever Brothers had done very well out of the war as the company met government and army needs for soap, glycerine and margarine, and it was poised to take advantage of pent-up demand. In the midst of the turbulent post-war years, Lever was devoting a considerable portion of his energy and enthusiasm to his new project in the Outer Hebrides. Amidst his fulminations against the raiders and the Scottish Office, Lever made a rare public concession to underlying economic realities in a speech at the Stornoway Highland Games. It is indeed difficult to imagine that Lever would have pulled the plug on his entire operation on Lewis just because of some small farms that were not essential to his schemes.
The differential susceptibility model suggests that the same children who are more susceptible to peer rejection are also more susceptible to peer acceptance. Testing this within-child assumption, we examined whether a subgroup of children exists who are more reactive to both rejection and acceptance, and whether higher levels of sensory processing sensitivity (SPS) characterize this subgroup. We randomly assigned 455 preadolescents (Mage = 10.86, 49.5% boys) to receive either counterbalanced rejection and acceptance feedback (experimental group) or neutral feedback (control group) from online fictitious peers, and assessed their emotional, self-esteem, attributional, and behavioral responses. Results revealed two subgroups of children showing elevated emotional or self-esteem reactivity to both rejection and acceptance, supporting within-child differential susceptibility. However, SPS did not distinguish these subgroups or moderate children’s responses to peer feedback – suggesting limited support for SPS as a differential susceptibility marker to experimentally manipulated peer acceptance and rejection.
In this chapter, the system of nursing is subjected to careful scrutiny, to discover how it worked and what it may have meant for the foundling children's early experiences. The governors of the London Foundling Hospital frequently discussed the recruitment of nurses, the success of their arrangements and their resulting impact on survivorship in different parts of the country. The data presented in the chapter have shown the geographical distribution of the nursing network and the mortality rates it produced. It has already been noted that the hospital followed a policy of near universal wet nursing almost since its establishment. Clearly, a change of nurse was a fairly unusual occurrence, but among the more mobile children a geographical pattern is discernible, of movement from communities in the south-east of the country to Shropshire and Yorkshire.
Decolonization gave the French Cold War-era militarized environments a particular twist. Through a focus on militarized environments this chapter sketches out some of its environmental dimensions. France's humiliating and rapid defeat in 1940 underscored the need for military reform in the postwar era. As it battled against civilian opposition in metropolitan France, the army engaged in bloody and morale-sapping wars against decolonization as the Fourth Republic struggled to hold onto France's colonies. Forged within the context of Cold War geopolitics, Gaullist foreign policy and the development of ever more powerful weaponry prompted the military to seek new and larger territories. Alongside strengthening France's conventional forces, Gaullist foreign policy placed the possession of a nuclear strike force as a central pillar of French national security and a technological guarantee of French autonomy.
Under the notion of the twin transition, the green and digital transitions were conceptualised as a synergetic pair that should pave the way for a globally competitive green and digital Europe. But are European digital and environmental laws truly twins within the EU’s regulatory strategy, suggesting parallel approaches? In this article, we take a formal approach, focusing on regulatory instruments that are employed in both areas and their defining characteristics. While the twin transition in some respects blurs the boundaries between environmental and digital law, including through the integration of environmental considerations into digital regulations, we adopt an analytical distinction between the two domains. Through a series of steps, we identify key differences that set both regulatory approaches apart and help us understand the different trajectories the transitions have taken. Contrary to the often-invoked claim that form is substance, the analysis reveals that the choice of regulatory instruments does not inherently determine substantive policy choices, thereby underscoring the necessity of their comparative examination. Ultimately, the article argues that fostering dialogue between the two policy fields may yield valuable insights into how regulatory tools can be adapted and deployed across domains.
With the culmination of the West Indian emancipation movement in 1838, politicians and anti-slavery leaders turned their attention increasingly to slave-trade suppression. Having criticised slavery in the USA in American Notes and Martin Chuzzlewit, in the early 1850s Charles Dickens's attention was turned to Britain's anti-slave-trade actions. The British Royal Navy's mission to eliminate the Atlantic slave trade helped to keep alive a culture of anti-slavery in nineteenth-century Britain. In nineteenth-century Britain, the Africa Squadron's part in prolonging the culture of anti-slavery seemed at its most apparent in retrospect. For Elizabeth Melville, naval suppression enabled nationalistic pride as it affirmed her belief in the heathenism of the peoples of West Africa. Christianised liberated Africans similarly conceived of their rescue as a spiritual release from heathenism. As with Michael Scott's nautical novels, the spectacle of mass murder at sea is offered up reproachfully as evidence of the uselessness of naval suppression.
This article examines how Iranian intellectuals negotiated Western science and technology under semi-colonial sovereignty: a formally independent state constrained by unequal power. I argue that these negotiations operated through translation not only as linguistic transfer but as a recursive set of practices—adoption, reworking, and refusal—through which intellectuals repositioned science within Iranian political life as its authority shifted from universal reason to militarized power to developmental urgency. Using Frantz Fanon as a comparative framework, I identify four overlapping modes: (1) nineteenth-century epistemic translation, when science was framed as a route to reform; (2) early twentieth-century regulation of the “performative translator,” when translation became a site of linguistic, epistemic, and gendered policing; (3) mid-century emancipatory translation, shaped by the global militarization of science; and (4) iterative remembrance in the 1970s, when translation became a practice of insurgent authorship through cycles of forgetting and reactivation. The paper’s central paradox is that later thinkers strategically inhabited the position long maligned as the “performative translator”—the Europhile dandy or fokoli, later refigured and pathologized as the gharbzadeh (West-struck)—to claim new forms of insurgent authorship, even as such projects risked forging new orthodoxies. Tracing the genealogy of the fokoli, I show how debates over performative translation organized conflicts over method, authority, and epistemic nationalism. Ultimately, I argue that the reappropriation of the fokoli’s maligned position reveals decolonization not as a clean rupture but as an ongoing metabolization of inherited materials. The article contributes to decolonial thought, translation studies, and the global intellectual history of science by reframing semi-colonial modernity as a struggle over epistemic authority conducted through the labor of translation.
This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in this book. The book sketches out the life of William Hesketh Lever, 1st Lord Leverhulme and the founder of the Lever Brothers' Sunlight Soap empire. It illustrates the rise and triumphs of his business, his homes, his gardens and his collections. It also contains essays on Lever in the context of the history of advertising, of factory paternalism and town planning and of colonial encounters. Using Lever as a case study is particularly strange, given that his legacy, the huge manufacturing and retailing concern of Unilever, counts as one of British industry's great, continuing success stories. The book concludes by resuming something of the narrative and summary format and looking at Lever's extraordinary activity in his final years.
The key to this chapter lies in the twin themes of challenge and response. The attempted secession of Eastern Nigeria (Biafra; 1968–70) and the civil war it precipitated marked the first challenge to the doctrine of self-determination in post-colonial Africa. How the ‘fire brigade’ states responded – by translating their support for decolonisation and international law into respect for African sovereignty and a commitment to peaceful, negotiated change – said much about their efforts to adapt to a rapidly crystallising post-colonial international system. But challenge also came in a different form. The public attention afforded to the Biafran cause by the sizeable Irish missionary community based there forced a radical shift in the government's relationship with the media and public opinion. This chapter concludes by arguing that the clash between old- and new-style diplomacy these debates engendered represented a blurring of state boundaries and the growing power of transnational phenomena in shaping government policy.
This chapter outlines the massive extensions to Manchester's urban waterfront in the first half of the nineteenth century, analysing the development of Manchester's canal and river basins, and their associated investments in warehouses and wharves. It offers a detailed analysis of the basins developed by Manchester's leading water navigation companies, as well as facilities developed on private canal branches, a hitherto little-explored aspect of the urban development of Cottonopolis. Warehouses stored and transhipped the canals' high-value, inter-regional commodity trades. In canal company basins, priority was given to the public carriers. The chapter analyses the wharf as an economic and urban space in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Manchester. Wharves were central to the operations of all of Manchester's canal company basins although the commodity composition of wharf trade varied significantly by canal.
In this chapter, Levine focuses on a single person because his career seemingly coheres civil society in South Korea. Lawyer Park and many of his colleagues treated his career from student activist to mayor of Seoul as if it were the past and future of civil society in South Korea and in so doing, the progressive temporality of Park’s career and civil society reinforce one another. Park has maintained a pragmatic disposition and effectively set the agenda before, during and after Roh Moo Hyun’s administration.