Economically, the liberalism follows classical accounts of human nature undergirded by notions of utility-maximization, rational choice theory, and methodological individualism. In the electoral realm, the managerial liberalism culminated in the phenomenon of 'triangulation', a strategy of appearing bi-partisan in the hope of appealing to a broader range of the electorate. The seismic political events betoken the dominant form of centrist liberalism that has accompanied most post-war capitalist economies. The intrusion of the 'post-truth' storm into the liberal idyll is really just the return of the repressed. The affective underpinning to political theory and praxis has always been there; it has just been overlooked or suppressed for the sake of securing certain ends. Political economy too has always been augmented by affect: hope and fear, pleasure and pain, love and hatred, happiness and discontent.

Chapter 5 examines the involvement of the party on the ground in the selection of MEP candidates and the formulation of European policy. It reveals three principal findings. First, the involvement of the grassroots in the selection of candidates for the European elections is rather limited. In theory, Labour, the PS and SPD have inclusive selection procedures in place. In practice, patronage is indispensable, and the members often rubberstamp nominations made by a small group of people. Second, this chapter reveals that the party grassroots are generally interested in EU policy. Yet, and third, only very few of the local and regional parties effectively scrutinise the party leaderships or attempt to influence them. Despite these trends, there are some significant differences in how the parties deal with the EU. The SPD appeared to be the ‘EU-savviest’. Overall, the parties on the ground were not just ‘cheerleaders’ in support of the party leadership. In particular, the PS activists were far too critical of the party leadership’s behaviour to count as cheerleaders. Still, they were no ‘players’ either, as the main decisions related to the EU were controlled by small circles of regional and national leaderships.

This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book considers how the artist's pictures of Carib Indians visually reinforced the insistent, and argues largely imagined distinction between so-called 'Red' and 'Black' Caribs made by British colonialists. It explores the role of the artist's paintings in reifying notions of race in the British colonial Caribbean and also considers how the artist's images reflected and refracted ideas about race, which commonly held by Britons during the long eighteenth century. The book analyses the imaging of Africans and Afro-Creoles in British colonial art. It also analyses Agostino Brunias's adaptation of models from canonical Western art and eighteenth-century popular visual culture, to consider the artist's compositional and conceptual inventiveness. The book looks at the significance of the artist's portrayal of presumably enslaved black people typically engaged in episodes of entrepreneurialism, leisure, or merrymaking.

The colonial asylum in Australia and New Zealand was based largely on an English imperial model and became one site for the shaping of colonial identities in medicine. This chapter examines the historical relationship between medicine and law that brought particular individuals into colonial institutional confinement in the settler colony of Victoria. It explores the impact and articulation of 'colonialism' on discourses around 'lunacy' and on asylum patient populations. The chapter considers representations of Chinese patients in asylum case-books and asylum inspectors' reports within the context of anxieties about migration, miscegenation and racial difference, and madness in order to comment on the way the colonial asylum fashioned its population. Exploration and analysis of the colonial asylum's patient population is crucial to an understanding of the development and acceptance of psychiatry in the colonies.

This chapter sketches the relationship between female anti-slavery campaigning, colonial reform and the emergence of organised feminist campaigning. It compares the perspectives of female anti-slavery campaigners of the 1820s and 1830s with the 'imperial feminists' of the 1865-1915 period discussed by Antoinette Burton. The chapter argues that female anti-slavery was a form of Western protofeminism, which provides one of the main roots out of which fullblown 'imperial feminism' emerged. It investigates the comparisons which feminists made between their own social position and that of enslaved Africans and women in Oriental' and 'savage' societies. The chapter highlights the centrality of the comparisons to the structuring of British feminist tracts. Since the mid-1980s historical scholarship has started to engage with such critiques of Western feminism, and to excavate 'colonial skeletons in the family cupboard' of British feminists. Female anti-slavery needs to be placed within the history of the development of feminism.

This conclusion presents some closing thoughts on the concepts discussed in this book. The book addresses the art of Northern Ireland's post-Troubles period. It assesses how, in the period since the Good Friday Agreement, artists have registered the lingering effects of the Troubles. Good Friday Agreement called for a 'fresh start' but the society has remained perturbed by what Jacques Derrida refers to in the context as 'the persistence of the present past'. The socio-economic factors of post-Troubles reality compel us to map contexts for the contemporary art of Northern Ireland in relation to what has been perceived, by Chantal Mouffe and others, as the 'post-political' condition of globalised liberal democracy. Much of the art that has responded to the circumstances of what has been characterised as the post-Troubles predicament is created in a spirit of heightened anxiety with respect to the implications of such an historical shift.

Reserves had emerged out of that very legislation. The right of governors to proclaim them was established in colonial legislation from 1900 onwards, and it is from that date that we encounter official recognition of the office of game ranger. It is one of the great ironies of the white exploitation of animals in Africa that the first moves towards formal preservation through reserves came from a Boer republic. The British South Africa Company was anxious to raise revenue from hunting tourism and, faced with a relative abundance of game in the low-veld areas of Southern Rhodesia and in many parts of Northern Rhodesia, was reluctant to declare reserves. Many hunters and conservationists, including those in the Society for the Preservation of the (Wild) Fauna of the Empire (SPFE) kept up a constant campaign against the tsetse policy.