The settlers whose interventions were more colonial agents than they were subjects, though their positions and interventions were non-metropolitan, and as such they illuminate some of the political life that existed beyond England. Colonial legislators and activists looked to, and often appeared to copy, English models of regulation and resistance. In Australia, similarly, much of the content of social purity movements could be traced to English and American sources. Regulation Bills, put before and sometimes passed by responsible colonial governments, were generally modelled directly or indirectly on their English counterparts. Australian colonial governments assumed responsibility for many areas of legislation, including the regulation of prostitution and the determination of ages of consent. The South Australian parliament passed legislation, similar to England's Criminal Law Amendment Act, which raised the age of consent from 13 to 16 and introduced a series of other restrictions and regulations on sexual conduct.

Chapter 2 furthers the argument that Burke’s Enquirypresented a challenge to visual artists by focusing on its contribution to theories of artistic representation. It places Burke’s views on painting’s representational inadequacy within a broader reflection about the artistic medium, mimesis, and the presentation of the unpresentable.After arguing that the Enquiry outlines a shift from a mimetic conception of art to one which emphasises the artistic medium and, ultimately, the process of production of the artwork, the chapter examines the relevance of the Enquiry to modern aesthetics, by viewing it from the perspective of recent theories of the sublime (Lyotard’s in particular). This approach makes it possible to see in Burke’s conception intimations of what could be called an aesthetics of endeavour, in which the sublime becomes an immanent event of artistic production.

Richard Wright had thought that he would be welcomed as a great man, and Africans did not even know who he was. To these reasons Wright biographer Hazel Rowley adds another: a genuine fear of communist influence in Africa. 'Nevertheless', Rowley has written, 'it was an act of betrayal, Kwame Nkrumah was no pawn of Moscow, and George Padmore unequivocally shared Wright's hostility towards Communism. With the Gold Coast political ground so unsettled, it is not surprising that neither Nkrumah nor the Convention People's Party (CPP) made Wright privy to their operations. Although the CPP was not directly affiliated with communist organisations, leaders acknowledged modelling their party on the Russian Communist Party. 'In short, it is a Communist minded political party, borrowing Marxist concepts and applying them with a great deal of flexibility to local African social and economic conditions.

The derivative hypothesis, which reads colonial sexuality politics as something England did or gave to its colonies, is illustrated and made explicit by the Indian Spectator, which seemed simply to accept that India should follow English precedent. One way of provincialising sexuality politics, which addresses 'the problem of getting beyond Eurocentric histories', is to shift attention from European authors and texts to non-European readers, and from textual origins to contexts in which readings take place. Behramji Malabari's active part in sexuality politics, was a function of his 'power to read' and in broader terms of his elite social position within colonial Bombay. Both Malabari and W.T.Stead were media personalities whose journalistic, political and moral reputations underpinned their campaigns, which focused on a few key issues, above all the protection of women and the age of consent.

This chapter focuses on the experiences of women workers on the shopfloor of the Rowntree factory in York. It now turns to Rowntree employees daily lives at the factory to reach a better understanding of how women experienced their gendered roles in chocolate manufacture. The chapter presents case studies of three non-white women who migrated to the city. The first, Nellie, was born in Liverpool to Chinese parents, and moved to York during the Second World War. Carmen was recruited directly by Rowntree in Malta, arriving in York in the early 1960s. Finally, Julie travelled to York with her family in the early 1970s as a Ugandan Asian refugee and started work at Rowntree a year later. The work of Nellie, Carmen and Julie illustrates the ways in which the Rowntree firm is implicated in imperial and postcolonial histories, and in the wider story of race relations in Britain.

The International Institute of African Languages and Cultures (IIALC) offer a privileged opportunity to look at the tension between the drives of international cooperation and 'scientific nationalism'. The creation of the IIALC was indeed symptomatic of, and contributed to, the internationalization of the colonial debate in the interwar period. This chapter focuses on the growing divergence within the IIALC between anthropological research programs developed by the French and those developed by the British. Later in 1927, Labouret elaborated upon his proposal for an Ethnological Department of the Institute. It was to be structured as an international pyramidal system, topped by the Institute's two Directors assisted by European experts. In December 1928, the Executive Council endorsed Bronislaw Malinowski's program of 'Practical anthropology' as its official policy. After World War II, a more traditional version of anthropology, gained momentum in Britain with the rapid establishment of social anthropology in universities.

Sir Dennis Fitzpatrick, an Irishmen passed the Indian Civil Services (ICS) entrance examination in 1858 and was posted to Punjab as an assistant magistrate at Delhi. Fitzpatrick's view of what should be frontier policy, as intimated, was at odds with that of the Indian government and that of the army throughout his term of office. A suggestion that frontier political officers should be put under the direct control of the Indian government was adamantly opposed by Fitzpatrick. When the dynamic and innovative Lord Curzon became viceroy one of his first major policy changes was to establish the North-West Frontier Province. North-West Frontier Province, which came under the direct control of the Indian government through a commissioner based at Peshawar. Waziris and Mahsuds were hostile to outside interference long before the British displaced the Sikhs as rulers of the north-west.

Iron houses were spatially ambivalent: they combined the portability of a tent with the durability of a more traditional house. The Great Exhibition of 1851 provided a focus for portable iron houses, and for portable iron structures generally. In June 1854 the Great Exhibition building opened as the Sydenham Crystal Palace on the top of Sydenham Hill, to the south-east of London. Despite its mid-Victorian intention to educate the general public, the south transept of the Sydenham Crystal Palace evokes Claudius Loudon's romantic vision, the creation in London of the authentic inhabited tropical forest. The 'penetration' and opening up of the tropical forest was one of the major projects of British imperialism, both literally, in terms of economic exploitation, and metaphorically, in terms of christianising the Dark Continent's dark inhabitants.

The Indian Civil Service (ICS) originated as the administrative arm of the East India Company which ruled India until 1858. During the 1857 mutiny, especially in Punjab, Civilians found themselves leading troops and a number were killed. There was also a Provincial Civil Service for Indians, from which those of ability could be promoted to certain posts previously held only by covenanted Civilians. There appears to have been very little open support among Irish Civilians for Indian aspirations towards Home Rule. The role of the Indian Medical Service (IMS) was primarily to provide medical officers to the Indian army in times of war. Members of the IMS had a profound effect on research into and the treatment of tropical diseases, with consequent benefits in Punjab. In 1858, the Crown took control of the Public Works Department (PWD) and set up a civil engineering hierarchy parallel to that of the military.

The old RIC’s traditional rapport with the parish clergy became increasingly strained in 1920 as normal relations between the constabulary and society broke down. Moreover, the newly-arrived Black and Tans and Auxiliaries widely believed that Irish priests were agitating against them. As a result, the crown forces increasingly turned their attention to ecclesiastical persons and buildings. From the spring of 1920 onwards, there were reports of priests being harassed, intimidated and even tortured. This was eventually followed in November by the killing of a priest in Galway. Many clerics regarded this as the crossing of a line which the crown forces had hitherto respected. Clerical attention turned decisively to criticism of the crown forces. British measures against the clergy were quickly portrayed in sermons and newspapers as a persecution campaign, and this chapter examines whether this image was justified. It also emphasises the crucial role of publicity as a factor in its own right.

The controversial announcement of the Government's intentions to declare Ireland a republic and to leave the Commonwealth in 1948 was a short-sighted manoeuvre which resulted in the British Government maintaining its 'most favoured nation' status. As de Valera noted, the Indian Commonwealth solution that was reached the very same year could have suited Ireland's independent position and paved the way for an Ireland within the Commonwealth. Whether or not talks with de Valera ever influenced Jawaharlal Nehru and his Government's decision, India made history by becoming the first republican Commonwealth country. In July 1949 the Indo-Irish relationship had come full circle and the culmination of the countries' shared histories was the appointment of Krishna Menon as Ambassador to Ireland. Menon's role was a dual one as he was already India's High Commissioner in London, and since Ireland had left Commonwealth the previous year joint accreditations were no longer appropriate.

This conclusion presents some closing thoughts on the concepts discussed in the preceding chapters of this book. The book examines the spatial dynamics of power with respect to the contested regulation of sexuality, aiming to critique and contest Eurocentric accounts of the same. It shows how the apparent diffusion of metropolitan ideas was not structured around a simple geographical division between innovation and adoption, active and passive political action, in the so-called centre and margins respectively. 'Cognitively mapping' sexuality politics, the book has traced connections between people, places and politics, exploring both their dangers and opportunities, which revolve in each case around embroilments in global power. The book's most sustained contribution to postcolonial criticism revolves around its elaboration of the spatiality of imperial sexuality politics and more generally imperial power.