During the expansion of Tawantinsuyo, the Inca Empire sustained its hegemony by using multiple strategies, including moving specialized groups called mitimaes to their conquered territories. This study examines bioarchaeological evidence from the Camarones 9 (CAM-9) Inca period cemetery at the mouth of the Camarones Valley in northern Chile. The waters in this valley contain concentrations of arsenic that are 100 times above the norm (10 μg/L) for human ingestion, causing serious health consequences. We study the environmental health effects on this population, using atomic absorption spectrometry and hydride generation to investigate arsenic concentration in the bone tissues of 16 individuals sampled from this burial site. Three of four individuals presented arsenic levels in their bones that were beyond the standard 1 μg/g, with a median of 3.6 μg/g; in some, the levels were nine times higher than those currently recommended by the World Health Organization. Considering previous and current bioarchaeological evidence, especially the high arsenic levels found in these individuals, we postulate that the CAM-9 site population corresponds to mitimaes who settled on the Camarones coast. This study is relevant to all regions of the world that present ecotoxic loads.

Excavations conducted by Beloit College in 1958 and 1960 identified the site of La Magdalena in the Bajío of Mexico. Investigators have since highlighted three primary phases of occupation at La Magdalena, two of which were proposed to have been culturally influenced by Teotihuacan or Tula. Modern research in the Bajío mostly diverges from those postulations of distant connections, supplanting them with local patterns that hold much more explanatory power. Archaeometric studies are pivotal in this regard but have thus far been infrequently used. This research analyzes the obsidian assemblage from La Magdalena and finds a nearly ubiquitous utilization of a local obsidian source known as Ojo Zarco. These findings merit a reevaluation of obsidian in the eastern Bajío and argue for more archaeometric studies that elucidate local procurement patterns.

In the US Southwest and Northwest Mexico, people and turkeys (Meleagris gallopavo) have had a reciprocal relationship for millennia; turkeys supplied feathers, meat, and other resources, whereas people provided food, shelter, and care. To investigate how turkeys fit within subsistence, economic production, sociopolitical organization, and religious and ritual practice in the Mimbres Valley of southwestern New Mexico, we report on genetic (mtDNA) and stable isotope (δ13C, δ15N) data from turkeys recovered from Mimbres Classic period (AD 1000–1130) sites. Results indicate that Mimbres aviculturists had haplogroup H1 and H2 turkeys, and most ate maize-based diets similar to humans, but some ate nonmaize and mixed diets. We contextualize these data to other turkey studies from the northern Southwest and discuss how the human-turkey relationship began, the evidence for pens and restricting turkey movement, and the socioecological factors related to turkey management during the Classic period, particularly the challenges associated with providing maize to turkeys during times of environmental stress. This study has broad relevance to places where people managed wild, tame, and domestic animals, and we offer new insights into how prehispanic, small-scale, middle-range agricultural societies managed turkeys for ritual and utilitarian purposes.

This paper studies a new record (FLP 1596) relating to a criminal gang that operated in Uruk in the fourteenth year of Nabonidus. It examines the form of the record and its unusual terminology. Above all, however, it seeks to relate an episode described in FLP 1596 to the broader history of this gang's activities presented in 2014 by M. Sandowicz.

Summing up the data deriving from the Natufian burials at Hayonim Cave which incorporates information pertaining to the last grave uncovered on site (Grave XVII), the paper endeavours to understand the role of burials within the evolving Natufian society at large. It seems that certain sites—Hayonim Cave being a case in point—served as special localities, used by a particular group as a burial ground all through the Natufian time-span (i.e. for more than 3000 years). Members of that group returned to the cave again and again in order to bury their dead, being aware of the location of the preceding graves, apparently retaining a long-term memory of their burial practices. At the same time, at least some burials provide evidence for inter-group ties, as evident through particular similarities between certain burials in two distinct Natufian sites, Hayonim Cave and Eynan (‘Ain Mallaha). Clearly, retention of mortuary practices played a significant role in consolidating and preserving social cohesion in the Natufian society.

The Babylonian royal ritual text edited in this article prescribes the performance of two kinds of prayers: Šigû prayers and Emesal prayers. The text has four cycles, in each of which the target is one of the great gods (Marduk, Anu, Enlil, and Ea), as well as the minor gods functioning as intercessors on behalf of the king. The Marduk cycle is distinctive, compared with the other cycles, probably because of the special relation of Marduk with the king, kingship, and Babylon.

This article examines the conceptualization of medical symptoms of transgression and divine punishment in the Mesopotamian exorcistic corpus, with a focus on the association between māmītu and abdominal illness. It first demonstrates the metaphorical, and sometimes more literal, associations between taboo violations and eating, before situating the concept of māmītu within the context of broken oaths and transgressions against divine order. It then outlines the symptoms and treatments of māmītu in order to demonstrate a strong connection with the abdomen and digestive tract. Finally, within the context of the use of metaphor and analogy in Mesopotamian medicine, it suggests that the association between eating and transgression may have provided a reason for attributing abdominal symptoms to the punishment of transgression in the form of māmītu. The resulting case study provides insights into the intellectual frameworks by which Mesopotamian exorcists conceptualized the workings of illness and the body, especially in terms of the relationship between language and reality.

The pre-Hispanic art of the Lowlands of Paraná comprises very realistic to extremely simplified ceramic figurines made by complex hunter-gatherer groups during the Late Holocene. In particular, the article seeks to discuss the differences found between parrot and raptor figures, which are the most frequent motifs. Alternative styles of representation were involved in the visual symbolism of the two groups of birds with well-differentiated morphological and behavioural attributes. Whereas parrot images were elaborated with greater naturalism in sites mostly located in the middle Paraná, birds of prey exhibit a higher degree of stylization and schematization, especially in the lower Paraná. It is proposed that the differences in the artistic modalities used to represent these groups of birds could be related to the positioning of these animals within different metaphorical domains and opposable conceptual categories. It is also suggested that this iconography could be specifically linked to a totemic ontology, which implies a particular attitude towards nature. This study attempts to contribute to broadening our knowledge about the symbolic relationships between humans and animals in pre-Columbian America.

This review presents a summary of the Buzdujeni I report, which is only available in Russian, alongside recent publications in English concerning both this site and other cave sites that were included in an extensive programme of research into the later Palaeolithic of Moldova, Ukraine, and Russia.

The unprovenanced tablet MAH 16070 has the size and shape of many administrative documents and contracts from controlled excavations at Fāra, ancient Šuruppak. It contains low numbers (1 and 2) of various commodities (most made of metal, some obscure) alternating with well-documented personal names. The purpose of the text is not immediately apparent. It has no obvious parallel among previously published distribution and offering lists. Expressions pointing to the background of the document are ša3 e2-gal “interior of the palace” (o iv 5), e2 geme2 “handmaids’ house” (r iii 5’), and lugal e2 du3 at the very end of the text (r iv 2’), which could mean “(for) the king, (to) build (his) house”, although other interpretations are possible.

In this article the name of the Sumerian god Isimu is analysed as “who brings the shoots forth” and explained by the chthonic character of his master Enki. Investigated is as well the ratio behind the complex writing of his name and the names of other servants of Enki. Beside this it is shown that Isimu must have been known at least since the time of the archaic texts from Ur. There was also another Janus like mythical being, the male and female Ara, at one point identified with Isimu.

Painted portraits on wood and cloth were common in the ancient world and prized as authentic and lifelike images. Affordable, portable, and desirable, they were an important form of representation, but rarely survive in the archaeological record outside Egypt. This article approaches the study of painted portraiture in a way that does not necessitate the survival of the images themselves. It analyzes evidence for the use, reuse, and imitation of painted portraits in the catacombs of 4th-c. Rome by examining the remains of settings and attachments for portraits, the shadows left by them on walls, and portraits in other media which imitate panel paintings. The article considers why painted portraits were so effective in funerary contexts and what connection they may have had to domestic portraiture. It also explores the development of panel portrait imitation through the phenomenon of the “square nimbus.”

Terrestrial environments tend to be characterized by an incomplete record of past conditions. For the MIS 3–2 periods, there is only one known site in Poland—Horoszki Duże—in which a probably continuous record of climate change has been preserved. However, this site does not have any high precision multi-proxy analyses. In the absence of continuous high-resolution records, we decided to gather and analyze scattered information. We assembled data originating from various sites in Poland and checked whether the available results of 14C and luminescence dating presented in the form of probability density distributions (PDF) and kernel density estimation (KDE) models would allow their reinterpretation. The data were compared to the Greenland isotope curve to see whether they were consistent with the hypothesis that the number of “warming-cooling” cycles recorded in the examined sediments was of the same order as in those ice-core records. Previously in Poland, usually only two interstadial periods (i.e., Hengelo and Denekamp, 36–38.6 and 28–32 14C kBP, respectively) have been identified in the discussed period. The joint analysis of data from a larger area revealed more warming-cooling events than recorded from individual sites.