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Very different interpretations of the thought of Gregory of Nyssa and the extent to which his writing reveals the influence of Greek philosophy have appeared. They have varied from the celebrated judgement of Harold Cherniss that any apparent Christianity in Gregory is only a surface cover which imperfectly conceals a dominant Hellenism. The extent of Gregory's philosophical commitment has been addressed from another angle, that of the nature of his coherence. Gregory uses what suits him and can modify what he has used in ways perhaps unacceptable to the Platonic past he inherited. This moderate and moderating attitude is discernible, as has been noted, in both Gregory's On the Soul and Resurrection and his Catechetical Oration. In the former he uses Plato's Phaedo which he tries to wed to the ideas of resurrection of the body. In the latter he uses the idea of theoprepeia primarily in order to defend and expound the doctrine of the Incarnation.
Marius Victorinus' surviving Christian writings consist of three hymns and nine treatises on the Trinity aswell as commentaries on Pauline epistles, the first in Latin. With the tools of grammar and rhetoric, Victorinus expounds the context of each epistle, clarifying the apostle's theoretical and practical precepts. Victorinus' philosophical learning came to fruition in his Trinitarian works, rich soil for Quellenforschungen. Victorinus' chief contribution is his philosophical conception of God, aptly dubbed 'the first metaphysical theory of a self-reflexive Absolute in the context of Latin theology'. Despite being a marginal character in the history of theology and a minor luminary in the history of philosophy, Marius Victorinus is an exemplar of the pervasive confluence of Greek philosophy and Christianity in late antiquity. He has rightly been recognized as the origin of a remarkable synthesis of Christianity and Platonism in the Latin world; and in this regard Victorinus was a forerunner of the medieval philosophical systems of the Christian West.
Up until 411, Augustine was involved in the controversy with the Donatists. Immediately after his conversion, Augustine believed that there were only two philosophical questions, one concerning the soul and the other concerning God. The first problem regarding the soul Augustine faced after his conversion was that of immortality. In De libero arbitrio, Augustine admits four hypotheses regarding the souls of the descendants: they derive from Adam's soul; they are created in time for every single man who is born; they pre-exist in God, who sends them to vivify the bodies of individuals; and they pre-exist 'somewhere else' and come into bodies spontaneously. Augustine's philosophia rationalis begins with a refutation of Academic Scepticism. The starting point of Augustine's ethics is an axiom taken from Cicero's Hortensius. Augustine carried out the task assigned to 'true philosophy' at Cassiciacum systematically in De Trinitate many years later. Augustine devoted three of the four books De doctrina christiana expressly to biblical hermeneutics.
In the sixth century ce, Christian theology matured both in the eastern and western parts of the Empire. In the East, the works of the unknown and pseudonymously named Dionysius the Areopagite aimed to transpose into a Christian theological context the systematic version of Platonism found in Proclus. In the West, the three hypostases of Platonism are transformed into the persons of the Trinity, gods become angels, and salvation becomes resurrection rather than permanent separation from a body. Boethius undertook a re-evaluation of the ancient Greek philosophical tradition from a refined Christian theological perspective. Boethius seems to have a clearly articulated vision of what can and cannot be accepted from Platonic, Aristotelian, Stoic and Academic sources. His most influential work, The Consolation of Philosophy, acknowledges the feasibility and even perhaps the inevitability of a Christian philosophy. Writing in Latin, Boethius provided a bridge for the renaissance of Christian thought in the West in the ninth century. Maximus the Confessor refined further the Christianized Platonism of Pseudo-Dionysius. He wrote not only on narrowly theological problems, but on the full panoply of ecclesiastical and spiritual issues. The idea of Christian philosophy as a way of life explicitly in opposition to the ways of life recommended within the ancient Greek philosophical tradition comes to the fore in Maximus. The last philosopher treated in this section, John Scotus Eriugena, brings us to the Carolingian Renaissance.
This chapter focuses on Hypatia of Alexandria and the school of thought she represented in fourth-century CE Alexandria. It follows the inverse chronological order and characterizes in turn the works and thoughts of Hypatia, Theon and Pappus of Alexandria, before concluding with a short discussion of the fact that they do not seem to have cultivated the 'observational' and 'physical' sides of Ptolemy's doctrine. It is often taken for granted that Hypatia was a philosopher in the Platonic tradition on the basis of three main arguments. The first is Socrates Scholasticus' testimony, the only source asserting that she took the succession of the Platonic school 'from Plotinus'. The second is a generous inference from the contents of Synesius' philosophy to that of his teacher. The last is a kind of 'contamination' argument, according to which she must have been a Platonist because the major trend of philosophy in this period is Platonism and because this philosophy was compatible with Christianity.
In the fourth century ce we can begin to see the tide shifting in favour of Christianity over paganism. The murder of Hypatia, daughter of the philosopher Theon of Alexandria, in 415, is emblematic of the ominous turn from mere intellectual controversy to political power struggles begun a century earlier. Prior to the tipping point that was Constantine’s conversion around 312, Alexandria flourished as a polyglot and multicultural intellectual centre of the Mediterranean world. We have considerable evidence of Christians and non-Christians studying together under some of the famous philosophers of the time. Probably in early Alexandria even more than in Rome, there were genuine encounters of philosophy and religion. The writings of Philo and Clement are only two early examples of these. Lamentably, there is a dearth of extant philosophical material from Alexandria in our period, though we have accounts of an extremely active academic community. With regard to the natural and mathematical sciences, however, there is a substantial amount of material, focused principally on development of the scientific heritage of Ptolemy. Here we see, for example, in the practice of astrology a focal point for the confluence of philosophy, religion and science. The enduring theme of providence and fate, too, will be a battleground for opposing world views. It is natural to see in the Christian responses to the Hellenic views on these matters the lineaments of Biblical theology.
Ammonius the son of Hermeias (c. 435/45–517/26) was the most important – at times, perhaps, the only important – pagan teacher of pagan philosophy in Alexandria from the late fifth into the early sixth century. He numbered among his students Asclepius of Tralles, John Philoponus, Simplicius and probably Olympiodorus, all known at least in part for their commentaries on Aristotle, and the first two of whom published commentaries said to be ‘from the voice’ or ‘from the lectures’ of Ammonius, while Olympiodorus considered himself, and perhaps was also officially, Ammonius’ successor in the Alexandrian chair of philosophy. In the concrete, personal sense, at least, Ammonius was the founder of an ‘Alexandrian’ school of Aristotelian interpretation.
Whether and in what sense Ammonius also made significant alterations in the philosophical system he inherited from his own teacher Proclus in Athens, and thereby originated an Alexandrian variant of late Platonism, has been widely debated. This question, forcefully raised by K. Praechter in 1910, hangs closely together with the conditions of Ammonius’ life and teaching in Alexandria.
After the murder of Hypatia by a mob of Alexandrian Christians in 415, the most authoritative professor of philosophy in Alexandria was Hierocles. But Athens’ older philosophical school headed by Hierocles’ teacher Plutarch and Plutarch’s young Alexandrian pupil Syrianus was apparently more attractive for ambitious Alexandrians. Accordingly, Hermeias, among others, left his native Alexandria for Athens to study with Syrianus, who was head of the school there from 429 until 436.
Not much is known about Olympiodorus’ life apart from what we can derive from the surviving works. A student of Ammonius the son of Hermias, but probably not his direct successor, he was active in Alexandria in the sixth century. If Olympiodorus heard Ammonius lecture his year of birth can hardly have been later than 505. He was still lecturing in March/April 565, the date of the passing of a comet mentioned in the Commentary on the Meteorologica (52.31).
The commentators David and Elias are held to be the pupils of Olympiodorus, because their works display the formal peculiarities of Olympiodorus’ commentaries; in addition their texts reproduce entire passages from Olympiodorus; David occasionally mentions him by name. The names David and Elias suggest a Christian background. This would make Olympiodorus the last representative of the non-Christian Platonic tradition. It is, however, not so clear whether David and Elias were really Christians: their works do not betray a commitment to specifically Christian doctrines, even where one would have expected this, and their names could also be mere parts of a disguise that allowed them to continue practising philosophy in an intellectual environment that was no longer hospitable towards non-Christians.
EXTANT WORKS
Olympiodorus’ surviving commentaries are all apo phōnēs, i.e., lecture notes by students. We have commentaries on two works of Aristotle and three Platonic dialogues (the latter are all transmitted through Marcianus gr. 196), more precisely commentaries on: Categories, Meteorologica, Alcibiades I (henceforth Alcibiades, considered genuine by the later Platonists), Gorgias, Phaedo (incomplete, the extant lectures are on Phaed. 61c–79e).
The ancient tradition of Porphyry's 'change of views' and even 'vacillation' on a number of issues is cited in support. Porphyry's Platonic commentaries must have been relatively diffuse compared with the single-minded approach of Iamblichus and Proclus. The total transcendence of the One is arguably one of the most innovative of Plotinus' ideas and one not without its difficulties, as is confirmed by the constant attention paid to it by later Platonists. The tripartite soul has, claims Porphyry, primarily an ethical role and then proceeds to add the traditional Aristotelian list of soul faculties as an interpretation of Plato's more general view. Porphyry's interest in the physical world is primarily from the metaphysical perspective with its concern for principles. Porphyry's commentaries not only firmly rooted the logical works of Aristotle in the curriculum of the Platonic schools but provided an important source of information and exegesis on which Iamblichus and Proclus would later draw.
In the late fifth or early sixth century, a Christian writer, most likely a monk, probably from the Syrian region of the eastern Roman Empire, composed a body of works in which the philosophy of Plotinus, Proclus and other thinkers in the Platonic tradition is united with Christian belief. The works appeared under the name of Dionysius the Areopagite, and in them the author apparently identifies himself as this first-century figure, who is named in the Acts of the Apostles as an Athenian converted to Christianity after hearing St Paul’s sermon on ‘the unknown God’ (Acts 17.34) and who is said to have become the first bishop of Athens. The author is now generally referred to as ‘Pseudo-Dionysius’, or, in order to avoid the pejorative connotations of the prefix ‘pseudo-’, simply as ‘Dionysius’ or ‘Denys’. Attempts have been made to discover his true identity, but none has received general acceptance, and in the absence of any solid evidence such efforts necessarily remain merely speculative and inconclusive. What seems clear, however, is that the author’s concealment of his own name is related to the philosophical content of his works. Like the God of whom he writes, the author remains nameless, inaccessible, hidden behind his works and knowable only as he is manifest in them. His choice of pseudonym, moreover, links him both with the idea of ‘the unknown God’ and with the integration between Greek philosophy and Christianity which is at play in Paul’s sermon.