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In 2023, Princeton University Press published Richard Langlois’s The Corporation and the Twentieth Century: The History of American Business Enterprise. It is a book of comparable mass to Alfred Chandler’s 1977 The Visible Hand and equally ambitious.1 The erudition is vast. (The bibliography alone runs 78 closely-printed pages. There are 122 pages of equally closely-printed footnotes to the 522-page main text whose own font is not large.) A production such as this seemed worth more than the usual traditional-form reviews, and in the September following its publication, the Penn Economic History Forum put on a symposium to discuss it. Interest was widespread: attendance in the room was agreeably substantial and came from far beyond the seminar’s usual catchment area, and there were requests for the Zoom link to the proceedings from around the world. (The expense was not vast and the ratio of impact to expense was almost certainly favorable relative to ordinary seminars. The economic history community might not suffer from putting on more such events when suitable occasions arise.)
Since the 1990s both the Council of Europe and the European Union (EU) have contributed to fostering democratic change in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) by, among others, defining and promoting new forms of education for citizenship (Huddleston, 2005, p 51; Olafsdottir, 2008, p 129). Though both European organizations are constrained in their legal capacity to enforce educational policies at national levels, they rely on informational and, to some extent, financial and organizational tools to influence national policies (Abs, 2021, p 330). As a consequence, educational policies and curricula in European countries increasingly include translations and implementations of supranational European policy initiatives on education for citizenship (Neubauer, 2012, p 82).
Considering that Europeanization has an impact on how citizenship education is conceived and carried out (Keating, 2014), in this chapter I investigate the concepts of citizenship promoted at the European supranational level within their educational documents and materials.1 My methodology consists of a qualitative analysis of teaching materials and implementation reports produced by the Council of Europe and the EU and is complemented by insights from the academic literature.
Given the ideological sensitivity of the concept of citizenship, reaching consensus on the aims and approach of citizenship education is challenging (Veugelers, 2021, p 25). In these supranational approaches, I question whether one model of citizenship imposes itself upon others or if we can detect influences from several models.
This article examines the central role of West Central Africa in the development of a global capitalist economy during the eighteenth century. Using a rich and overlooked set of records in English, Portuguese, and French, the article explains that rulers and brokers on the Loango coast championed ideas and practices of free trade and free markets from the rise of the Atlantic slave trade through at least until the end of the eighteenth century. The article shows that European slave traders opposed a free market by fiercely competing to obtain full control of the trade in African captives along the Atlantic Africa. In contrast, the West Central African states of Ngoyo, Kakongo, and Loango, located north of the Congo River, fully embraced free trade and free markets during the era of the Atlantic slave trade.
This article investigates tax disputes between Luyi County, Henan Province, and its two neighboring counties during the Qing. It shows that the Qing central government and the provincial authorities allowed local governments to use an expedient scheme called “equal sharing” to fulfill tax quotas on a particular type of farming land—the former princely estates of the Ming that became known as “renamed lands.” In Luyi local elites’ fight against the perceived unfair tax practice, local gazetteers played an important role as evidence in the disputes and as reminders of the unresolved issue for Luyi people. In the final analysis, this case study points to the Qing state’s flexibility in fulfilling the land tax quotas, while attempting to keep transaction costs low and revenue sources sustainable, both of which were ironically conditioned by its limited tax basis and therefore its limited administrative capacity.
In recent years, curriculum has become a fiercely debated issue in the systems of many countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). The rise of so-called culture wars, fuelled by a polarized political climate and the rise of identarian populist parties (Sata and Karolewski, 2022; Zimmerman, 2022), has led to intense scrutiny of the role that school programmes play in shaping the values and beliefs of young people. These conflicts are contoured by a new importance attributed to knowledge for the transmission or disruption of political and cultural repertoires in contemporary societies. The social sciences and especially civic education as a field are traditionally concerned by these pressures (Bobbitt, 2019). Views on what civic values and history should be taught in schools have thus become highly polarized (Carretero, 2011; Taylor and Guyver, 2012; Karolewski, 2019). Haste et al (2017) argue that this is due not only to the modalities of populist politics but also to the expansive inherent dynamics of the field of civic education, which has fanned out in plural ways and therefore encompasses much more than preparing young citizens for conventional democratic participation (Haste et al, 2017). Issues of national identity and history, sexual citizenship, immigration, and secularism/religion and the debates that ensue are salient in many civic education systems. Thus, in numerous societies, civic and citizenship education have emerged as a pivotal battleground, seen in the controversial attempts to delineate which national values and historical narratives should be accentuated or de-emphasized when shaping the minds of young citizens (Evans, 2004).
Internal rural–urban migration and its implications for children’s education are critical factors in understanding China’s rapid pace of urbanization. However, previous studies relying on cross-sectional data often treat migration as a one-off event, oversimplifying the migration process. This study uses data from the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) for 2010–2018, along with a newly developed analytic strategy, to estimate the effect of children’s migration trajectories on their educational outcomes. Using panel data, this study examines various migration trajectories by considering the directions and frequencies of migrations. Results show the heterogeneities among migrants. First, while permanent migration does not adversely affect children’s education, return migration and multiple migrations lead to increased educational penalties. Beyond the segregation between urban and rural areas, the findings highlight the significant disadvantages linked to migration between provinces, which profoundly affect educational outcomes compared to migration within provinces. Finally, the findings suggest there are gender differences in the impact of migration experiences, with boys facing greater challenges to their education.
This piece explores the parallel development of two fisheries management regimes in mid-twentieth-century Lake Malawi: one imposed by the British colonial government over the lake and the other by Senior Chief Makanjira focused on Mbenji Island. The parallel development of these regimes provides opportunity for close analysis of how fisheries management centred on different knowledge and practices led to distinctive legacies of governance legitimacy and efficacy. Given the increasing recognition that Indigenous knowledge is crucial to the future sustainability of fisheries globally, we contend that it is imperative to recognise the ways in which colonial pasts have embedded knowledge hierarchies and exclusionary decision-making processes within national fisheries governance regimes that continue to obstruct capacities to bring different knowledges, practices, and management approaches together effectively and appropriately.
The book Rethinking Citizenship in Central and Eastern Europe examines how citizenship is practised in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) from an interdisciplinary perspective. Through the lenses of interdisciplinary citizenship studies, scholars from the fields of educational and political science provide insights into how citizenship interacts with political engagement and interrelates with practices of citizenship. The volume adopts a pluralist approach, acknowledging that citizenship can have different connotations depending on the theoretical context, methodological approaches, and specific research interests across the subdisciplines of educational and social sciences.
While the focus on the broader region allows for a comprehensive examination of shared challenges and trends, the decision to limit individual country analyses was intentional, aimed at highlighting overarching patterns and fostering comparative discussions within CEE. However, this choice also opens avenues for future research that could delve deeper into specific national contexts regarding citizenship education and youth citizenship.
This volume expands on prior research, including Treviño et al (2021), to deepen the discussion on citizenship. While that book provides a rich theoretical analysis of youth citizenship across diverse cultures, Rethinking Citizenship extends the discussion specifically within the CEE context, emphasizing unique historical, political, and social dynamics. It situates youth citizenship within local frameworks, allowing for a deeper understanding of how practices differ from those in a more generalized global context.
Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) has long attracted citizenship scholars due to the post-1989 profound changes affecting state borders, constitutional frameworks, migration flows, and the statuses of nations and national minorities. The fall of communist regimes, the resurgence of nationalism, and the dissolution of formerly federated states, most notably the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, reignited fundamental questions about citizenship, including ‘who is in and who is out’ (Walzer, 1993, p 55) and ‘what binds citizens together into a shared political community’ (Beiner, 1995, p 3). Unsurprisingly, much of this scholarship has concentrated on citizenship as a ‘top-down’ mechanism that regulates the statuses and rights of citizens and defines the legal structures of newly established political communities. Notable works include Brubaker's (1992, 1994, 2000) analysis of citizenship changes in the new Baltic and post-Soviet states, Shaw and Štiks's (2013) exploration of the pivotal role of new citizenship regimes in post-Yugoslav state consolidation, and Baubock's (Baubock et al, 2009; Baubock, 2010) research highlighting the connections between transnational citizenship, migration, and minorities within ‘citizenship constellations’ in CEE, among others.
However, relatively less attention has been devoted to the transformation of citizenship as a lived experience and a bottom-up practice of enacting statuses and rights (Vasiljević, 2018). Without attempting to overstretch the concept (Heisler, 2005), we want to emphasize that citizenship is also an embedded identity or, better yet, a social practice that unfolds and is performed in one's local or national community alongside one's fellow citizens.
This article traces the history of the repression of palm wine and alcohol (sodabi) in Dahomey, now Benin, with varying degrees of intensity, from the nineteenth-century kingdom of Abomey to postcolonial Dahomey. In parallel with the repression, this article also looks at the history of palm alcohol production. Dahomeans learned to distil wine from French peasants during the First World War, and were driven into sodabi production by French economic policies during the Great Depression. Using court sources, this article describes the social organisation, gender division, and economic rationale of sodabi production, as well as the occasions on which it was drunk. Ultimately, it argues that the repression of sodabi made it more difficult for peasants to improve their living conditions.
Making up more than 80 per cent of the total territory of the European Union (EU) and constituting 30 per cent of its population, rural areas are a prime focus of EU policy (European Commission, 2018). In its endeavours to promote rural development, the involvement of the local population is particularly emphasized. This orientation is predicated on the idea that top-down approaches fail when they overlook the in situ communities while their involvement may further the success of rural development.
Whereas the role of citizens in rural development is widely discussed, another aspect has entered the agenda: the adoption of ICT in rural areas is considered as being beneficial in several respects. With regard to the challenges of rural areas, it is expected that digital applications can help to counteract the declining provision of public services and communal activities, to build social networks, and to improve the quality of life in general (Ko et al, 2019; Meyn, 2020). However, because the challenges differ from region to region, it is important to adequately address the diversity of rural areas in terms of both civic participation and ICT rollout. In this context, digital technologies are growing in importance, but so are activities aimed at improving the peculiar living conditions of rural residents.
Thus, the advent of digital applications has been welcomed to promote opportunities for actively involving citizens so to implement demand-driven rural development. Consequently, within the EU's financial framework, a number of initiatives have been brought forward geared towards actively promoting this approach, LEADER being one of the most robust and long-standing of such schemes.
This volume of the Bristol Studies in Comparative and International Education is the first in the series to focus upon Central and Eastern Europe. The key theme of the book concerns the interplay between citizenship and education; and the contributors document and critically examine the role of education and participation in shaping citizenship practices throughout the region.
The book draws upon extensive experience and collective expertise in educational research and political science. This is informed by the findings of a range of recent, externally funded research projects in tune with our series rationale, that emphasize the importance of context-specific approaches for research and for ‘cultivating responsible and engaged citizens’. This, as the Editors emphasize, addresses a gap in the current literature and a lack of systematic, interdisciplinary research on citizenship practices in Central and Eastern Europe.
Citizenship is understood as a complex and contested concept and this pluralist orientation ‘recognizes that citizenship can assume different connotations depending on the context … and the diverse practices of citizenship that are evident in patterns of education, political participation and civil society’.
Together, the chapters cover a wide range of specific issues, in formal, non-formal, and informal education contexts, and reflect upon citizenship practices in organizational and political settings across a revealing mix of micro, meso, and macro levels. This generates comparative insights into the challenges and opportunities facing citizenship and democracy and, in doing so, provides a ‘nuanced understanding of the complex and contested nature of citizenship in the region’.
East German Sigmund Jähn and West German Ulf Merbold were Germany’s first spacefarers. While their rivalry mirrored the superpowers’ space race in many ways, it differed in a significant aspect: Jähn and Merbold shared a common cultural and historical background. Going where no German had gone before, therefore, was as much a competition of democracy versus dictatorship, and/or capitalism versus communism, as it was about which state represented the ‘better’ Germany. Moreover, this rivalry did not end with the Cold War but reappeared with renewed vigour in the country’s eventual reunification process after 1990. Drawing on national archival and printed sources from all around the world, this article analyses collective projections and competing performances in the making of Germany’s most famous rocket stars, both before and beyond 1990. Discussing individual characteristics, cultural traditions and techno-scientific ambitions, it argues that descent rather than socio-technical prospect proved crucial in designating the progenitor of German space flight.
The concept of the African Renaissance expresses the idea that the African continent is experiencing a crucial phase of its history and will overcome the current challenges of poverty, inequality, and violence to achieve cultural, political, and economic renewal and a more just and equitable order. First articulated by the Senegalese historian Cheikh Anta Diop (1923–1986) in the aftermath of World War II, the concept encourages African peoples to take pride in their rich cultural heritage and long history, to take charge of their lives and rebuild the economy, and to set Africa as a significant player in international affairs. For the African Union, the continent should take advantage of and build on its rich diversity of cultures in its quest for prosperity.
The safeguarding of African heritage and diversity can benefit local communities, promoting intercultural dialogue and peace as well as sustainable development. This article thus aims to spark conversation about Africa’s heritage and identify some methods to realize the African Renaissance. First, it discusses the legacies of colonialism. Second, it explores the promise of cultural decolonization. Third, it scrutinizes the concept of the African Renaissance, its historical roots, and its current legal significance. Fourth, it investigates the linkage between the African Renaissance and sustainable development. Fifth, it focuses on how the World Heritage Convention protects African sites of cultural and natural outstanding value and whether such protection is adequate or could be improved. Finally, it offers some preliminary conclusions.
Extremism, climate change, political polarization – how can societies counter these developments? In the search for answers, the call for citizenship and civic education has been playing an increasing role for several years (Kolleck, 2022). At the same time, it has become clear that citizenship and civic education cannot be generalized and encounter different social traditions and conditions depending on the country and region. This chapter turns to this challenge and asks for the conceptual meaning of citizenship and civic education in CEE. Due to the specific contexts of civic and citizenship education in post-communist states, the countries of CEE are defined less by strict geographical boundaries than by their shared history and societal similarities (for example, regarding dictatorship and social transformation).
The development in CEE is particularly exciting. In the course of the post-communist transformation and the efforts towards Europeanization, the topics of citizenship and civic education gained increasing relevance. At the same time, ambivalences and dilemmas emerged that can be attributed to the specific situation in these countries. Since the end of the Cold War, however, citizenship education and civic education have been promoted not only by the countries themselves but also by the European Union (EU) and the European Council in particular, in order to support processes of democratization and the establishment of a market economy. However, it is apparent that this external promotion of citizenship and civic education, for instance in the European Partnership programme of the EU, led to actions that marginalized important goals inherent in the concepts of citizenship and civic education such as the development of democratic and responsible citizens and the integration of individuals into civil society, which are inherent in the concepts (Segert, 2016).
This is an essay about the high-Qing imperial house through the prism of a series of eleven munificent actions that subordinated the interests of the public exchequer to image-manufacture, monarchical self-assertion and monarchical self-positioning within the royal descent-line. Scrutiny of the edicts announcing the ten major revenue sacrifices (six universal land-tax remissions, four remissions of the tribute grain) and the famous freezing of the ding quotas shows an attenuation of public-policy content as acts of fiscal grace became accompaniments of personal life-cycle celebrations. The essay probes the edict at the midpoint of this transition to propose an interpretation of the Qianlong emperor’s rashness in proclaiming the one risky universal tax remission, that of 1745. It assesses Qianlong’s attempts to position himself as his munificent grandfather’s inheritor and draws on context and intercultural comparison to portray a young ruler preoccupied with self-actualization and self-differentiation from a father he somewhat resembled.