By means of the first comprehensive apparent-time study of Austria’s traditional dialects, this paper explores the use of adnominal syntactic constructions of expressing the semantic relation of possession. The article focuses on both the geographical variation and the interplay of syntax, semantics, and pragmatics. The analyses are based on data from direct recordings of 162 speakers from forty villages and on written questionnaire data from 103 of these speakers from thirty-seven villages. The analyses reveal clear geographical patterns for those constructions in which the possessor phrase precedes the possessum phrase within the entire construction. We propose to focus on the discursive-pragmatic properties of the possessor phrase to explain the fact that each of the observed dialects allows the possessor to precede the possessum. We provide evidence that referential anchoring, combined with the concept of accessibility, is the key to explaining the syntactic order within the used constructions.

This article provides a comparative overview of phonological and phonetic differences of Mukrī Kurdish varieties and their geographical distribution. Based on the examined data, four distinct varieties can be distinguished. In each variety area, different phonological patterns are analyzed according to age, gender, and social groups in order to establish cross-regional and cross-generational developments in relation to specific phonological distributions and shifts. The variety regions which are examined in the present article include West Mukrī (representing an archaic form of Mukrī), Central Mukrī (representing a linguistically peripheral dialect), East Mukrī (representing mixed archaic and peripheral dialect features), and South Mukrī (sharing features of both Mukrī and Ardałānī). The study concludes that variation in the Mukrīyān region depends on phonological developments, which in turn are due to geographical and sociological factors. Moreover, contact-induced change and internal language development are also established as triggering factors distinguishing regional variants.

Using a novel, digitized method, this paper investigates the language attitudes of 18- to 33-year-olds in South East England. More broadly, this paper demonstrates that disambiguating the language attitudes held towards sociodemographic groups and geographic areas is paramount to understanding the configuration of language attitudes in an area, particularly for areas with high cultural and linguistic heterogeneity. A total of 194 respondents evaluated the speech of 102 other south-eastern speakers. Results reveal an imperfect mapping between language attitudes held towards geographic areas and speakers from these areas. Although East London and Essex are the most negatively evaluated areas, speakers’ demographic and identity data is the primary factor conditioning language attitudes. Across South East England, working-class and/or ethnic minority speakers, as well as those who identify their accent in geographically marked terms, are evaluated most negatively, which is compounded if they are from East London or Essex.

This project uses GIS mapping to analyze spatial trends in spoken language, testing how features identified as part of the “Southern dialect” by the Atlas of North American English (ANAE; Labov et al., 2006) are used in the Digital Archive of Southern Speech (DASS; Kretzschmar et al., 2013). We analyze vowel mergers, diphthongization, monophthongization, fronting, and several consonantal features. Rather than drawing isoglosses, we use local spatial autocorrelation analysis to reveal subregional patterning in the data. We present a series of maps illustrating the realization of Southern speech features as enumerated by ANAE. We find little evidence for ANAE’s Inland South region based on acoustics, and while some areas surveyed in DASS align well with the portrayal of Southern speech presented by ANAE, others do not.

This article describes the results of a research project carried out over a period of 25 years on the spoken Irish Gaelic of the Aran Islands, Co. Galway, Ireland. It combines microdialectology with sociolinguistics and investigates a wide range of phonological, grammatical, and lexical variables. In addition to revealing complex patterns of geolinguistic variation involving small local areas on the main island and on neighboring islands, it also shows the clear influence of age, gender, and individual creativity on the patterns of variation.

Language documentation has been carried out in Iran since the late 1800s but in a sporadic way, and even now, the scholarly picture of the country’s linguistic landscape is fragmentary. The present article responds to this state of affairs in a modest way by working toward a systematic overview of the language situation in one area of the country: Chahar Mahal va Bakhtiari Province of western Iran, where the high Zagros Mountains open onto the Iranian Plateau. In this study, conducted in the context of the Atlas of the Languages of Iran (ALI) research programme, we chronicle our research process for this region, beginning with an inventory of languages spoken here—varieties of Bakhtiari, Charmahali, and Turkic—and an overview of their geographical distribution. This initial step enabled us to select 30 varieties from 26 locations across the province for in-depth research, including implementation of the ALI language data questionnaire. Data generated by the study have resulted in two language distribution maps as well as a series of linguistic structure maps. Initial analysis of lexical and phonological data provides insight into defining features of each language as well as structures shared between them as a result of language contact in the region.

This paper takes a quantitative perspective on data from the project Syntax hessischer Dialekte (SyHD), covering dialects in the German state of Hesse, an area with rich dialectal variation. Many previous dialectometric analyses abstracted away from intralocal variation (e.g., by only counting the most frequent variant at a location). In contrast, we do justice to intralocal variation by taking into account local frequency relations. The study shows that the border between Low German and Central German—one of the most important isoglosses in German dialectology—is not relevant for syntactic phenomena. At the same time, a comparison with character n-grams (a global measure of string similarity) reveals that the traditionally assumed dialect areas, primarily defined according to phonological developments, are still present in the twenty-first century data. Different from previous studies, our results are obtained from a uniform data base. Therefore, the differences between syntax and phonology cannot be due to variation in sampling, elicitation method, or time of elicitation.

This analysis examines the ways in which a single speaker, Ana, born in mid-century East Los Angeles, organizes and reflects upon her experiences of the city through language. Ana’s story is one that sheds light on the experiences of many Mexican Americans who came of age at a critical time in a transitioning L.A., and the slow move of people who had been up until mid-century relegated largely in and around racially and socioeconomically segregated parts of L.A. These formative experiences are demonstrated to have informed the ways that speakers parse the social and geographical landscape along several dimensions, and this analysis interrogates the symbolic value of a special category of everyday language, deixis, to reveal the intersection between language and social experience in the cityscape of L.A. In this way, it is analytically possible to not only approach the habituation and reproduction of specific deictic fields as indexical of the ways that speakers parse the city, but also to demonstrate the ways in which key moments in the history of the city have shaped the emergence and meaning of those fields.

This paper studies the perception of regional variation in Russian among young Russian nonlinguists in Moscow, Perm, and Novosibirsk. I explore the labels used in 55 perceptual maps and categorize them in order to investigate the perceived character of regional variation among young Russians, including their explanations for regional variation. The data analysis shows that claims about regional variation are based on the informants’ assessments of variation in Russian, but also on assessments of domains that they perceive as related to regional variation: style and accent, as well as extralinguistic features such as geography and climate. Based on this analysis, I argue that the line between regional language variation and other variations can be conceived of as fuzzy.

This paper discusses the regional variation in four ongoing sound changes in the Dutch vowels /eː,øː,oː,ɛi,œy/ that are conditioned by a following coda /l/. The synchronic diatopic diffusion of these changes is charted using the Dutch teacher corpus, a comprehensive dataset containing word-list data from four regions in The Netherlands and four in Flanders. Comparisons are made of the five vowels preceding nonapproximant consonants and preceding coda /l/. To avoid manually segmenting the oftentimes highly gradient vowel–/l/ boundary, GAMMs are used to model whole formant trajectories. Comparisons are then made of trajectories and of peaks of trajectories. The results are used to classify the nature of the four sound changes in terms of phonetic and lexical abruptness/graduality and to show that the changes are intertwined in such a way that they can only be considered as separate facets of a single, currently ongoing vowel shift.