Chapter 9 concludes the book by further probing the theory’s generalizability, mechanisms, and implications. It starts with the theory’s applicability to the illustrative case studies of India and Mexico. It next hones in on the ideational mechanisms – learning and experimentation – that account for how a developmentalist legacy is updated and discusses other potential mechanisms, including emulation and competition. It lastly assesses three implications of the book’s theory. The first is whether state support for nationally controlled MNCs can continue to be an effective strategy under the current wave of backlash to globalization in advanced economies. The second is whether states that lack a developmentalist legacy can support the internationalization of national firms at a more limited scale. The third is whether the internationalization of national firms is compatible with more expansive definitions of development that go beyond structural transformation.

To the surprise of both academic and pundits, Javier Milei was elected president of Argentina at the end of 2023. However, there is very limited research about him and his ideas. Chapter 2 addresses this gap and demonstrates that Milei is a case of a far-right leader with populist radical components. The main elements of his discourse are: (a) the defense of a libertarian program of radical criticism of state intervention and strongly critical of the left’s distributive programs; (b) an anti-establishment performance of criticism of "la casta," as opposed to the "argentinos de bien," which is expressed both in the violence of his discourse and in corporal and aesthetic elements associated with anger against the political establishment; (c) a relatively new and opportunistic approach toward both morally conservative and "iron fist" positions regarding crime. Some elements typical of the European populist radical right are absent in Milei, such as anti-immigration positions. Others, such as climate skeptic positions, take a very secondary place in his appeal. In sum, Milei’s case fits the usual definition of far right but does not fully fit the definitions of extreme right or of the populist radical right.

‘If Rohith Vemula had not poetized his death in the English language, would he have resonated with the “collective conscience” of the secular university-subject in as immediate a way?’ This was a question I posed to a friend working on contemporary Indian university movements. We then re-read Rohith's suicide letter together, almost as a cold ritual of remembrance – in the same way that it has been published and re-published and excerpted and textualized in innumerable articles, posters and slogans, ever since the handwritten note was recovered from a hostel room.

Rohith Vemula, a Dalit PhD scholar and Ambedkarite activist, was driven to suicide by the University of Hyderabad (UoH) administration under pressure from Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) ministers and the Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD). A member of the Ambedkar Students Association (ASA) at UoH, Rohith was at the forefront of campus movements against caste discrimination and communal violence. The ASA's principled resistance against Hindu fundamentalists irked the student front of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), which demanded intervention from a union minister and locally elected member of Parliament. The BJP leader immediately swung into action, and orders were passed directly from the central government to the university's vice-chancellor urging a censuring of ‘casteist’ and ‘anti-national activities’ indulged in by the ASA. In a day's time, on 5 August 2015, Rohith and four other ASA activists were evicted from their hostel rooms; an ongoing Proctorial inquiry compounded the penalty in September by suspending these students and barring them from all social spaces on campus.

The chapter presents three models of what courts how courts operate in hybrid regimes. The first two are what this book calls the Pessimistic model and the Optimistic model. They represent two different bodies of literature and two contrasting views of constitutional courts in hybrid regimes. Under the Pessimistic model, a court can do very little to resist an authoritarian, let alone promote democratic norms. On the other hand, the Optimistic model views a constitutional court as the guardian of liberal democratic norms, possessing the capacity to bring democratic change to a hybrid regime. This chapter argues that while each model captures distinct elements and raises important issues regarding constitutional courts in hybrid regimes, each has gone too far. Drawing on the lessons learnt from the analyses of these two models, the chapter presents a third – and what it argues to be a more attractive – model, namely, the Realistic model, under which the constitutional court can play a meaningful, if limited, role within the hybrid regime.

This chapter is designed to provide some common background. We introduce linear models and ordinary least squares, which are starting points for more recent developments presented in later chapters. Although we do present standard distributional theory and inferential methods under homoscedastic Gaussian errors, we also focus on model misspecification, as well as techniques for assessing goodness-of-fit by looking for signal in the residuals. The chapter concludes with a discussion of some key approaches to multiple testing, a problem that occurs for example when testing for the individual significance of several predictors in regression settings.

Doubtless law does have distinctive resources to offer the tempering of power, and Chapter 8 considers some of them. It discusses the significance of the letter of the law but notes that it can conceal arbitrary abuse by acting as camouflage for what is really happening. It is also susceptible to the phenomenon of dual statehood, where the law follows the letter in some domains and for some people and is ignored in others and for others. It can also be manipulated by contemporary populists who often ‘rule by cheating’. Philosophers have commended law of a certain character, so that it be predictable, but that too is subject to manipulation. A lot depends on the kind of legal traditions that the legal order embodies. Law is a crucial frame for interactions, solving a lot of problems ahead of time and engendering possibilities of deliberative adjudication. However, it needs a lot of support from sources outside the law itself.

The Notion of Vertical Integration in Economic Analysis. The Author constructs a model for vertically integrated sectors in the general case, within a new theoretical approach. First, commodities are measured in terms of physical units; then an alternative physical unit of measurement for capital goods is introduced. This is in terms of units of productive capacity. The Author begins with an analysis of an economic system in which all commodities are produced by means of commodities and are used as capital goods. Production is considered first with circulating capital goods only and then with fixed capital goods. Each commodity resolves itself into wages and profits. Each price is ultimately made up of wages and profits through labour coefficients. If the wage rate itself is used as the numeraire of the price system, all prices come to be expressed in terms of the wage rate (i.e. in terms of labour commanded). The Author then develops the same model within vertically integrated sectors of a higher order. A more specific definition of industry is given, generalisations and restrictions are discussed along with the role of technical progress. The new theoretical approach is shown to introduce dramatically new possibilities for dynamic analysis.

This chapter starts with a discussion of the 1912 Ulster Solemn League and Covenant as a statement of both popular sovereignty and partitionist intention. It shows that the first group to be divided by it were the Protestants themselves, with the Covenant antagonising and alienating many of those who knew that Ulster’s secession would leave them isolated and powerless in a future Catholic Ireland. The second section shifts the attention to ‘Patriotism’ and the response to the First World War, focusing on the Jewish community, which responded to the imperial call to arms with an enthusiasm not inferior to that of the rest of Irish society. However, this soon converged with early Zionism. The third section examines the 1916 Easter Rising through the experience of the two minorities. It highlights the perplexity of these communities, who were surprised by both the revolution and its lack of that sectarianism which had long been anticipated and feared by unionist opinion. The final section argues that the threat of compulsory mobilisation divided the religious minorities and damaged the cause of the Union more than the Easter Rising and the subsequent executions had already done.

This chapter explores the processes and form of the imagined national community in Rwanda in light of global discourses of difference, focusing on the space of identity that the state narrative of unity allows for Twa to navigate their subjectivisation as Rwandans. Our data shows that many Twa buy into the government’s narratives of national unity and ‘Rwandan-ness’. They choose to identify themselves as Rwandan and appear willing to forgo Twa identity for the promise of belonging and progress that they understand national narratives of unity to offer. To understand this as forced assimilation – whether through the violence of law or economic circumstances – is too simple a reading: Twa individuals are actively using the ‘Ndi Umunyarwanda’ programme messaging to create spaces of inclusion for themselves within Rwandan society.

The chapter argues that courts in hybrid regimes face a legitimacy paradox: an activist court risks attracting backlash from the authoritarian, whereas a deferential court may undermine the trust of a democracy-supporting population. The chapter first lays out the conventional view of perceived legitimacy, including the mechanisms behind it and its utility. The conventional view is premised upon the political dynamics of a democracy; this requires modification in order to be applicable to a hybrid regime. It then takes on this task by introducing a relational angle. An audience-based framework is shown to help us identify the key audiences that are relevant to judicial legitimacy in different regime-types. The audience-based framework is then applied to a hybrid regime to set out the legitimacy paradox. The effects of the paradox are practical, as exemplified by the tensions between the expectations different political actors within a hybrid regime have of a constitutional court. It will be explained how these conflicting expectations create challenges for judicial maneuvering in a hybrid regime.

This chapter explores the double bill of Mascagni’s Cavalleria rusticana and Leoncavallo’s Pagliacci – first presented at the Metropolitan Opera in 1893 in the context of increasing Italian emigration to New York, and becoming a staple of New York’s operatic life. Mascagni’s one-act opera had been a huge success at its Roman world premiere and capitalised on widespread interest in the economically impoverished Italian South on the part of Northern and Central Italian audiences. The two operas became a focal point for wider discussions in New York about Italian identity and Italian opera’s position within the cultural hierarchies of the time: ones in which distinctions between highbrow and lowbrow were being negotiated, and Italian opera shifted between social allegiances and degrees of cultural (and racial) capital. Tracing the operas’ ongoing critical reception and performance history, I indicate how the operas fluctuated between contemporary politics and aesthetic escape and argue for the formulation of italianità as much as an expressive mode as a cultural category, during a period of emerging interest in (and monetisation of) human psychology and emotional behaviour.

So what should we seek in order to avoid or at least reliably reduce the availability of such arbitrary exercise of power? The commonest forms of answer – limiting, constraining, curbing – cast the role of the rule of law as defensive and negative, often exclusively so. These terms typically miss the positive, often constitutive, and anyway indispensable role of power in social affairs and in what we should hope for if the rule of law is to attain its proper ends. I recall the term ‘tempering’ as long used, but largely forgotten, to express the ambitions of those pursuing values then and long since associated with the rule of law. In part a description, in part metaphor, the idea of ‘tempering’ gives more food to thought and possibility than the defensive, diminishing terms in common use. I demonstrate that in its various uses – personal, institutional, metallurgical – the term evokes a salutary combination of balance, thoughtfulness, moderation, and strength appropriate to the rule of law ideal.

This chapter focuses on Puccini’s 1907 tour to New York, following the disastrous premiere of Madama Butterfly at La Scala and reflecting a longer engagement with US culture on the composer’s part. Puccini could embody a lineage of now vanished Italian composers for New York critics, and the New York visit followed a similar tour to Buenos Aires in 1905. But the emergence of gramophone opera recordings offered an alternative model of transatlantic encounter, as Italian operatic voices were increasingly mediated through American technology. Opera discs promised a specifically American form of operatic experience, I argue, one that was the source of considerable cultural and legal controversy between US companies and Italian composers. Madama Butterfly’s plot and opposing sound worlds can ultimately be heard as a meditation on broader Italian-American tensions, shaped by contemporary discourses around Italian vocality and American materialism. Madama Butterfly emerges at the centre of a changing auditory culture in the early twentieth century, in which Puccini’s musicalized Japan has suggestive echoes of Italy.