This manifesto argues for a global exchange of wisdom such that, on one hand, those worst affected by climate change have a good understanding of its causes and consequences, and, on the other hand, their knowledge and experiences are fully incorporated into the international understanding of this global challenge. Taking the example of Uganda, it highlights that although many young people are experiencing the effects of climate change first hand through flooding, landslides or the impacts on agriculture and the wider economy, there is a widespread lack of understanding of the drivers, with local deforestation viewed as the main cause. This leaves young people only partially prepared for the future of worsening climate disruption. Climate change education, with indigenous examples to help pupils apply a broader lesson to a local context, can inform young people and empower them to respond. Sharing insights internationally and incorporating them into global educational offerings can support climate justice.

Darwin read the Dialogues while still formulating his theory of evolution by natural selection. And one might suspect that he would have found there much to please and put to use. But he had already encountered Humean critiques of the argument from design, together with quite effective responses in the work of William Paley. Moreover, in the wake of his reading of Dialogues, Darwin placed greater and greater weight on the on the very sort of analogy that Hume had targeted in Dialogues, that is, drawing similarities between the natural world and products of human design, in service of the inference that the natural world was also designed. Darwin came to reject the conclusion of the argument from design, but his alternative, evolution by natural selection, also relied, heavily, on an analogy between nature and human artifice, the breeder’s art. But an important passage in the conclusion to the Origin suggests an important influence of the Dialogues, especially when taken together with Darwin’s quite wide-ranging reading of Hume.

In this chapter we introduce our research paradigm, relating it to a general theory of a Language Faculty in the human species, and anticipating our core argument that universal constraints guide acquisition while experience supports the child’s creation of a language-specific grammar. We present an overview of the structure of the book.

This chapter captures the intricate relationship between Indigenous cultural heritage and rights for advancing sustainable development and enabling the well-being of Indigenous communities. It analyses the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) and the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 No. 169 (ILO 169) regarding the preservation and protection of cultural heritage. The chapter highlights the challenges posed by climate change, biodiversity loss, and environmental degradation to Indigenous cultural heritage and emphasizes the need for resilience and safeguarding measures. It further examines the treatment of cultural heritage in Indigenous treaties, delving into legal and historical perspectives in the US jurisprudence and political landscape, then addresses the ability of Canadian modern treaties to foster or frustrate the ability to safeguard cultural heritage. By considering these aspects, the chapter underscores the significance of recognizing and preserving Indigenous cultural heritage, and the integration of Indigenous rights and knowledge to ensure the continuity and vitality of cultural heritage for present and future generations.

William James’s exquisite attention to thinking begins, by his own account, in what he learned from “the divine Emerson” about how cultivating the practice of carefully tailoring a habit of words to clothe a perception becomes itself a habit of mind. This habit of mind was trained for James, on “forg[ing] every sentence in the teeth of irreducible and stubborn facts” about being human in “the vast driftings of the cosmic weather.” What Emerson uncovered and James went on to investigate and assemble into his “mosaic philosophy” through his comprehensive study of physiology, neurology, wave theory, experimental psychology, and their related fields, is that in thinking, reading, imagining, and writing we are, in fact, experiencing quantum reality, as both Niels Bohr and Alfred North Whitehead recognized in the contribution of “that adorable genius.”

In a time of great contest and confusion over the future of democracy as a governing principle, the example of Abraham Lincoln continues to provide encouragement and direction about democracy’s viability in the face of immense challenges. In The Political Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Allen Guelzo brings into one volume Lincoln’s most famous political documents and speeches from his earliest days as a political candidate under the banner of the Whig Party, to his election and service as the first anti-slavery Republican president, from 1861 to 1865, and the nation’s leader in the fiery trial of civil war. While many anthologies of Lincoln’s political documents routinely concentrate on his presidential years or only on his anti-slavery writings, Guelzo concentrates on documents from Lincoln’s earliest political activity as an Illinois state legislator in the 1830s up through his presidency. The result is an accessible resource for students, researchers, and general readers.

This chapter examines Cold War liberals’ role in a campaign against “slave labor” in the Soviet Union between 1947 and 1953 that was largely conducted at the United Nations. Although the effort was first spearheaded by the American Federation of Labor, U.S. liberals eventually joined forces with an ideologically diverse set of European actors, and the transatlantic dialogue that ensued offers an opportunity to examine what was distinctive about liberal opposition to Soviet forced labor practices. The chapter argues that, although scholars have long emphasized Cold War liberals’ minimalist orientation toward avoiding cruelty, in comparative terms American liberals stressed the suffering of Soviet gulag victims much less than did their non-liberal continental counterparts. Instead, U.S. liberals offered a highly abstract and legalistic defense of negative liberties, drawing on a selected canon of classical economic arguments for freely contracted labor and a set of civil libertarian principles concerning freedom of opinion. Moreover, after 1951 they seamlessly shifted into different registers as these themes became politically inconvenient. In the end, antipathy to the Soviet regime, rather than a coherent and consistent set of liberal beliefs about either cruelty or the value of workers’ liberty, was the common thread running through Cold War liberals’ “fight for free labor.”

In a time of great contest and confusion over the future of democracy as a governing principle, the example of Abraham Lincoln continues to provide encouragement and direction about democracy’s viability in the face of immense challenges. In The Political Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Allen Guelzo brings into one volume Lincoln’s most famous political documents and speeches from his earliest days as a political candidate under the banner of the Whig Party, to his election and service as the first anti-slavery Republican president, from 1861 to 1865, and the nation’s leader in the fiery trial of civil war. While many anthologies of Lincoln’s political documents routinely concentrate on his presidential years or only on his anti-slavery writings, Guelzo concentrates on documents from Lincoln’s earliest political activity as an Illinois state legislator in the 1830s up through his presidency. The result is an accessible resource for students, researchers, and general readers.

In a time of great contest and confusion over the future of democracy as a governing principle, the example of Abraham Lincoln continues to provide encouragement and direction about democracy’s viability in the face of immense challenges. In The Political Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Allen Guelzo brings into one volume Lincoln’s most famous political documents and speeches from his earliest days as a political candidate under the banner of the Whig Party, to his election and service as the first anti-slavery Republican president, from 1861 to 1865, and the nation’s leader in the fiery trial of civil war. While many anthologies of Lincoln’s political documents routinely concentrate on his presidential years or only on his anti-slavery writings, Guelzo concentrates on documents from Lincoln’s earliest political activity as an Illinois state legislator in the 1830s up through his presidency. The result is an accessible resource for students, researchers, and general readers.

This chapter examines the relationship of global business and society by examining the historical role of multinational corporations in international market integration. After discussing how multinationals have played a role in integrating international markets since the nineteenth century, it focuses on multinationals and market integration in the European single market, in which multinationals both advocated for and navigated around dimensions of regional market integration. This chapter then considers the contexts of other regional trade agreements, including NAFTA, ASEAN to MERCOSUR/L. Finally, this chapter assesses the impact of multinationals and market integration on society and what backlash against both multinationals and trade frameworks reveals about the social consequences.

In a time of great contest and confusion over the future of democracy as a governing principle, the example of Abraham Lincoln continues to provide encouragement and direction about democracy’s viability in the face of immense challenges. In The Political Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Allen Guelzo brings into one volume Lincoln’s most famous political documents and speeches from his earliest days as a political candidate under the banner of the Whig Party, to his election and service as the first anti-slavery Republican president, from 1861 to 1865, and the nation’s leader in the fiery trial of civil war. While many anthologies of Lincoln’s political documents routinely concentrate on his presidential years or only on his anti-slavery writings, Guelzo concentrates on documents from Lincoln’s earliest political activity as an Illinois state legislator in the 1830s up through his presidency. The result is an accessible resource for students, researchers, and general readers.

Describes progress towards GATT and Meade’s work before leaving government service.

The conclusion of this book considers the argument that is often brought out when considering the racist content of historic film or television as being ‘of the time’. It notes both the central planks of this argument, that Britain was widely racist in the past and this was broadly accepted, and what that means in the present, for our understanding of racism in twentieth-century Britain.

After the experiences of the Terror and the Directory, there was widespread disenchantment with popular power. For Bonaparte and his collaborators, popular sovereignty and public opinion needed to be rethought to align with France’s aspirations for order, stability and strong leadership. In their view, direct popular sovereignty had to be restored in the form of plebiscites, while public opinion should be controlled and shaped by the government. The resulting political system was, in the words of a supporter of the Brumaire coup, “democracy purged of all its drawbacks.” This chapter unfolds chronologically, exploring Bonaparte and Pierre-Louis Roederer’s shifting conceptions of the people’s two powers from 1799 to the advent of the Empire in 1804. Special attention is given to how they revisited Rousseau’s accounts of public opinion and popular sovereignty to further their own agenda.