The principal question we investigate in this chapter is the nature of the parameters governing the nature and position of clausal negation. We propose that the parameters governing the expression of negation are rather simple. Much of the variation in this domain is, instead, largely the reflex of three independent interacting factors. The first of these is the nature of Verb-movement in a given language: here the Verb-movement parameters discussed in Chapter Five are relevant. The second factor is the semantics of clausal negation. The third factor is asymmetric c-command: both Agree and scope relations depend on this structural relation. The syntax and semantics of clausal negation involve both Agree and scope relations.

This chapter presents arguments in favour of analysing cross-linguistic word-order variation in terms of an asymmetric approach to linearisation based on the proposals in Kayne (1994). There is also a discussion of the Final over Final Condition, roll-up movement and movement types.

This Chapter concentrates on Verb movement across a range of languages, including the Romance languages, English, Haitian and Cape Verde Creole, two kinds of Verb-initial languages, Mandarin Chinese, Latin and Japanese.

After the French Revolution led eventually to a Napoleonic invasion of Spain, the feckless King Carlos IV, Queen María Luisa, and their son Fernando decamped for France in 1808. Without a functioning government, the Spanish people and a rag-tag army harassed the French but won few battles before England sent seasoned troops that finally ousted the French. Fernando VII returned amid revolutions in the Americas that shattered Spanish America into dozens of independent republics. The king also had to accept a constitution that limited his power. His daughter, Isabel II, never understood her role as a constitutional monarch, and a series of military coups and changes in government eventually led to her ouster and a brief republican government. A Bourbon restoration failed to help heal the fissures in Spanish political life, in which compromise was rare and various factions alternated in power through a cynical and corrupt system of managed elections. Amid increasing violence and unrest, Alfonso XIII accepted a military dictator to run the government. When he fell from favor, and the army disgraced itself during a war in Morocco, the king went into exile in 1931, allowing politicians on the left to declare a republic.

This chapter shows how Percy Shelley moves from taking negative positions on others’ beliefs to exploring how to hold and encourage hopeful beliefs without absolutes. The first section examines Shelley’s developing argument, in his philosophical prose, for the value of the malleable mindset he calls “persuasion” within the framework of necessity. The abiding appeal of rigid convictions, and of literary genres that might impose them, comes to the fore in his “Satire upon Satire” and Julian and Maddalo. The chapter then shows how, in Prometheus Unbound, Shelley reimagines persuasion as a matter chiefly of craft: of rearranging what we think we know or leaving it open-ended. Shelley’s main graphic, rhythmical, and rhetorical instrument for this, it is argued, is the ellipsis, serial dots that perform the same disruptive function as the vacancies that he describes in his prose as the most important sites of cognitive and collective reform.

The varied topography and climate of Iberia posed challenges for prehistoric hominids, as well as for later traders, fishers, farmers, and herders attracted by the peninsula’s mineral wealth, arable land, and diversity of marine and land animals. Iberians arrived from North Africa, Celts later arrived from the north, and Phoenicians and Greeks arrived from the Mediterranean. All of these diverse peoples brought their culture and language to Spain – founding cities, farming the land, mining, herding, trading, and therefore connecting what the Greeks called Iberia to the Mediterranean, North Africa, and Northern Europe.

It makes little sense to write about Indigenous peoples’ rights without placing them in the post-pandemic context, and without articulating their distinct role in the climate crisis. Indeed, Indigenous peoples around the globe find themselves disproportionately affected by extractive operations but also so-called “development” or infrastructure projects – and this concerns, first and foremost, Indigenous peoples’ immediate environment and livelihoods, as sources of subsistence and spiritual significance. Discrimination and marginalization are not new. Since the colonial era, Indigenous peoples have been exposed to external threats, including deadly diseases and systemic dispossession, while often lacking the institutional means to defend themselves. Today, this legacy persists in the form of environmental injustice, prompting sustained and organized forms of territorial resistance and socioenvironmental defense on the ground. At the same time, the burden of protecting the planet’s climate and biodiversity has increasingly fallen to the grassroots – particularly to Indigenous communities. Their knowledge systems, based on long-standing ecological stewardship and intergenerational knowledge transmission, are now gaining recognition, also beyond their own contexts. They are being brought to the forefront of global environmental governance, where Indigenous voices are playing a growing role in shaping the agendas of international climate and biodiversity forums.