This article studies the relationship between electoral policy proposals and subsequent government actions in the case of minority governments. Content analysis of electoral pledges of Spanish parties is utilised to study the gains that a relatively small party obtains when it helps to sustain the governing party in office without entering a coalition government. According to the authors' results, cooperating in parliament to maintain the minority government in office can be a rational choice for a party because it allows it to obtain significant gains in terms of programme fulfillment.

Sequences such as [mb, kp, ts] pattern as complex segments in some languages but as clusters of simple consonants in others. What evidence is used to learn their language-specific status? We present an implemented computational model that starts with simple consonants and builds more complex representations by tracking statistical distributions of consonant sequences. This strategy succeeds in a wide range of cases, both in languages that supply clear phonotactic arguments for complex segments and in languages where the evidence is less clear. We then turn to the typological parallels between complex segments and consonant clusters: both tend to be limited in size and composition. We suggest that our approach allows the parallels to be reconciled. Finally, we compare our model with alternatives: learning complex segments from phonotactics and from phonetics.

This paper addresses the emergent centrality of professionalism and professions in the society and political economy of the welfare state. For purposes of illustration, it explores the impact and effects of professionalism in the health sector, which accounts for a major share of welfare state activities; but the aim is a more general understanding of professionalism in the welfare state. After reviewing three schools of sociological theorizing about the professions, several case-studies of health professionals are examined. Then the convergence of political science and sociology is explored for their respective disciplinary attempts to explain these trends. Finally, two proposed solutions to the problem which professionalism poses for post-industrial democracies are discussed.

This research analyzes the factors that determine the placement of development NGOs in Nepal through the examination of the placement data of 39,606 NGOs. Using multivariate ordinary least squares, this investigation demonstrates that the location of an NGO is determined by: level of community needs, resource availability, and the level of political engagement. NGOs are in fact active where their support services are in high demand. However, the other two determinants: ‘resource dependency’ and ‘political engagement’ suggest that development outcomes may be limited due to placement concentration in areas of high human resource availability and high political activity.

The psychology of Scottish Nationalism has been little explored. Using a mainly student sample, Britton (1971) showed S.N.P. voters to be low on authoritarianism where theory would predict them to be high. The Ray (1976) Directiveness scale and 10 items from the Wilson (1973a) conservatism scale were applied to 100 randomly sampled Glaswegians. The S.N.P. voters were neither authoritarian nor conservative. The S.N.P. was identified as being supported by voters of the political centre.

The social demand of transparency in nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) has increased. This is due to their social and economic impact and the incidences of fraudulent behavior by some international NGOs managers. In this regard, an improved and abundant dissemination of information by NGO is essential. The Internet is considered a strategic communication tool in such dissemination. Following an explanatory research line, this article aims to identify the influence of the factors “organizational size”, “organizational age”, “public funding”, “legal form”, “internationalization”, “board size”, and “board activity” in the dissemination of web page information. The results show that only the factors of “organizational size”, “public funding,” and “organizational age” are statistically significant.

Dutch women have historically been philanthropists, with an emphasis on the giving of time. This article describes several strategies in which Dutch women have used philanthropy in different periods of time and in different social situations to widen their scope of action for themselves. The giving of time was partly related to the burgher ideal of domestic family culture, in which women were not supposed to join the labour force but instead become caring mothers and spick-and- span housewives. Another factor was the relative prosperity of the nation: the income of the male breadwinner was enough to support the whole household. To maintain social contacts and to gain prestige without abrogating social, religious and community norms, married women turned to philanthropic and volunteer organisations, especially in social services, welfare and health care. Many of them found a life-time occupation in volunteering. They created a parallel power structure in the public sphere. More recently, giving of time has become a means of gaining work experience. Volunteering has become an instrument to accomplish women's liberation, by building women's organisations, and interest and self-help groups.

Documentary linguistics is new and distinctive enough that some linguists and other participants in academic reviews may be uncertain about how to assess its outputs. We recommend specific strategies for assessing documentary linguistic scholarship in academic review contexts, based on a brief description of the field for the benefit of colleagues in other areas.

The social entrepreneurship discourse in Germany has become more prominent at a time when the deeply rooted corporatist traditions of social provision have come under pressure for marketization. This article examines the potential role of “social entrepreneurs” in the institutionally established German welfare state. The article analyzes the opportunities and constraints that new players face. Drawing on survey data and case studies in the areas of elderly care and advancement of children with immigrant background, the analysis retraces the structure and diffusion of social entrepreneurial projects. It concludes that the simple transfer of the social entrepreneurship model is unlikely. The analysis suggests that successful social ventures in Germany adapt the notion of social entrepreneurship to prevalent institutional realities. In the context of more encompassing social services, dense decentralized networks, and different cultures of philanthropism, new players have a complementary role that stimulates rather than dominates the process of social innovation.

The existence of two, differentiated, votes for constituency candidates and for party lists in the electoral system of the Federal Republic of Germany offers parties the opportunity of campaigning for ‘second’ (party list) votes in certain situations. The small Free Democratic party, almost invariably in the role of ‘pivotal party’ determining which of the two major parties will lead a coalition with the FDP as junior partner, has increasingly in recent elections campaigned explicitly for such ‘split’ votes. Its success with this strategy has enabled it to overcome the crucial five per cent hurdle, the qualification for party-list representation in the Bundestag, as well as to increase its influence within coalitions in Bonn. The strategy does seem to have affected voting patterns, but relies to an extent upon ignorance among voters of the real relative importance of the constituency ‘first’ vote and the party list ‘second’ vote.

This paper discusses the relationship between corporate volunteering and civic engagement outside the workplace in Russia, proceeding from a mixed-method approach. The quantitative findings are based on a comparison between employees in 37 Russian companies who participated in corporate volunteering (N = 399) and those who did not (N = 402). Using binary logistic regression analysis, we demonstrate that employee participation in corporate volunteering is positively related to four forms of civic engagement outside the workplace: informal volunteering, formal volunteering, formal monetary donation, and informal monetary donation. In addition, we draw on information obtained from interviews with 10 corporate volunteers, as well as with all 37 company corporate volunteering managers, to develop a general explanation for why corporate volunteering might lead to civic engagement. We identify three primary explanations. First, trust in companies can be converted into increased trust in social institutions. Second, corporate volunteering can expose employees to other realities, thereby leading them to rethink their priorities. Third, corporate volunteering socializes employees to volunteering, thus making them more likely to incorporate volunteering into their personal repertoires of activities. Corporate volunteering appears to be an effective mechanism for stimulating civic engagement and volunteering infrastructure in post-communist countries.

As countries around the world went into lockdown, we turned to 32 leading scholars working on different aspects of democracy and asked them what they think about how the COVID-19 pandemic has impacted democracy. In this article, we synthesize the reflections of these scholars and present five key insights about the prospects and challenges of enacting democracy both during and after the pandemic: (1) COVID-19 has had corrosive effects on already endangered democratic institutions, (2) COVID-19 has revealed alternative possibilities for democratic politics in the state of emergency, (3) COVID-19 has amplified the inequalities and injustices within democracies, (4) COVID-19 has demonstrated the need for institutional infrastructure for prolonged solidarity, and (5) COVID-19 has highlighted the predominance of the nation-state and its limitations. Collectively, these insights open up important normative and practical questions about what democracy should look like in the face of an emergency and what we might expect it to achieve under such circumstances.

An important manifestation of freedom of assembly is the right to organize and participate in peaceful public demonstrations. Data from representative cross-sectional surveys of the adult population of seven European countries and the United States show that mass support for this right cannot be taken for granted in Western democracies. Education, age, and political value priorities are three explanatory variables that can be expected to affect the likelihood of a person opposing any attempt by government to forbid public demonstrations. The strength, form, and nature of the relationship between disapproval of a ban on demonstration and the explanatory variables are compared cross-nationally.

This study investigated the collaboration between public and third-sector organisations (TSOs) in the framework of collaborative governance. We examined how TSOs portray their collaboration with public organisations and what kind of collaboration agency can be identified based on these descriptions. Using a discourse analytical approach, we identified three multifaceted, and somewhat paradoxical, types of collaboration agency discourse in third-sector organisations: situationalised, service system–oriented, and dependency-driven. We argue that collaborative governance both sets expectations and shapes the agency of TSOs. At the same time, TSOs strategically use these opportunities to their advantage, constantly reshaping their collaboration with public organisations.